Mensahe ng Pakikisa ng ALL UP WORKERS ALLIANCE
SA PAGKILOS NG UP KILOS NA CEBU NGAYONG MARSO 17
by ALL UP WORKERS UNION on Thursday, March 17, 2011 at 1:11pm
WAKASAN ANG PANGGIGIPIT NI AVILA SA UP CEBU! TUTULAN
ANG PANGHAHARAS SA PRESIDENTE NG ALL UP WORKERS UNION-CEBU CHAPTER!
PALITAN NA SI AVILA! TANGGALIN SI SHARIF AT PINEDA!
Marso 17, 2011
Matindi ang pagkabahala ng All UP Workers
Union at All UP Academic Employees Union sa mga pinakahuling kaganapan sa
Matandaan na nanawagan na ng pagpapatalsik kay Dekano Enrique Avila ng UP
Cebu, kanyang kanang kamay na si Alsidry Sharif at ang makapangyarihang
consultant na si Ernesto Pineda bunga ng mga di demokratikong pamamahala
na apektado ang lahat na sektor ng UP Cebu: mag-aaral, guro,
administratibong kawani at mga security guards. Sunud-sunod na protesta
ang ginawa ng komunidad ng UP Cebu na rumurok sa isang buong araw na welga
noong Marso 8, 2011.
Ano ang naging tugon ni Dekano Avila sa mga
ito? Nagpalabas siya ng Memorandum noong Marso 11, 2011 na nagbabala sa
anyo ng “pagpaalaala” sa paglabas ng mga dokumento kaugnay ng mga palakad
sa UP Cebu. Kahapon, Marso 16, 2011, ipinaabot ng mga kasamahan ng ating
unyon sa Cebu na tinatarget na si Gigi Carcallas, ang President ng All UP
Workers Union, Cebu Chapter sa panggigipit. na ito!
Ang mga panggigipit na ito ay ang tugon ni
Dekano Avila (na binigyan ng Administrasyong Roman ng ikatlong termino
bilang Dekano) sa mga reklamo ng mga nagpoprotestang mga taga UP Cebu. Ang
mga reklamong ito ay kinabibilangan ng mga sumusunod:
1) Mga kwestyonableng kontrata sa Pagaett
Place Condotel na tinambak sa UP soccer field ang dumi mula sa
pinaghukayan; kontrata sa Sun Celluar sa isang lote ng UP Cebu sa renta na
P15,000 kadawa buwan samantalang tinatayang nasa P70,000 kada buwan ang
tunay na halaga ng lupa
2) taliwas sa rekomendasyon ng Security
Committee, agarang tinanggal sa puwesto (hindi ni-renew) ni Avila ang 15
security personnel kahit na ang nanalong bagong security agency ay handang
i-absorb ang naturang mga security personnel.
3) ang hindi pag-rekomenda sa tenure ni Prop.
Roberto Basadre, kahit rekomendado na ito ng lahat na academic bodies na
sumusuri sa tenure samantalang itinalaga pa na Budget Officer si Sharif
kahit na may mga kasong nakabimbin kaugnay ng kanyang ethical conduct at
ginawang Chair ng isang bidding committee si Pineda habang di naman ito
regular na empleyado ng UP.
4) Sa parte ng mga mag-aaral, ginagamit ng
administrasyong Avila ang konsepto ng “awtonomiya” upang tanggalin ang
Student Representation sa Executive Committee (Execom). Sa tinatanaw na
pagiging autonomous unit ng UPV Cebu, iniaangkla ng administrasyong Avila
ang pagtatanggal sa Student Representative sa Execom diumano sa dahilang
sa ibang autonomous units tulad ng UP Diliman ay walang representante ang
mga mag-aaral sa Execom. Sa halip na hanguin ang mga positibong praxis ng
demokratikong pamamahala sa unibersidad – tulad ng pagkakaroon ng student
representative sa Execom – ay idinidikta pa ng administrasyong Avila na
talikuran ang pagkakataong umabante tungo sa demokratikong pamamahala at
na bumalik sa panahon ng kawalang-demokrasya.
Itaguyod ang demokratikong pamamahala sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas!
STUDENT POWER ?
by Jose Maria Sison
(First published in Eastern Horizon, a progressive Hongkong magazine.)
BEFORE WE GO far into a discussion of the ideology and goals of the rising
student rebel movement in the Philippines, let us first examine the term
student power which is nowadays commonly used in the bourgeois mass media
and also among the varied circles of the New Left so-called.
It appears that the common notion of student power is that students all by
themselves can develop their own power independent of other social forces
outside of school walls and also that all by themselves they can hit the
streets to make and unmake governments. There is the idea being suggested
that the students can be an independent power that can effect even
revolutionary changes. Those who have contempt for the masses or who
deliberately wish to separate the students from the masses and national
mass organizations insist that students should no longer be the object of
interest of "outsiders".
If the meaning of the term student power be limited to mere autonomism,
then we need to raise serious disagreement in the light of an analysis of
the social status of students. Students who truly stand for revolutionary
change should always strive for integration with larger and even more
dynamic social force, that is to say, the exploited masses of the people.
The students, or more precisely the college and high school students,
cannot be relied upon to carry the sole or the main burden in a
revolutionary transformation of our present semi- colonial and semi-feudal
society. They are a very small portion of Philippine society, though they
are an important and numerous part of the influential petty bourgeoisie.
The social basis of college and high school students is the petty
bourgeoisie, though a little minority of them come from exploiting
classes. By virtue of their social position and of the fact that the
existing educational system is semi-colonial and semi-feudal, students are
at the first instance captives of imperialist and feudalistic ideas and
values. The petty bourgeois is principally concerned with his selfish
ambition of pursuing a career within the established system and he is so
indoctrinated and trained by the educational system as to re-enforce
intellectually and technically the present social system.
But in time of developing social crisis, the students largely supported by
their petty bourgeois parents cam easily become agitated when the meager
and fixed incomes of their parents can hardly suffice to keep them
enrolled in school, with the proper board and lodging or with enough
allowances. They are also agitated as they watch an ever increasing number
of graduates fail to get jobs or have ample opportunity in the system. At
this time, they are beginning by force of social circumstances to use
freely their perception and intellect to analyze their own situation and
social reality at large. This is the time when they feel sharply the
restrictive and exploitative character of the social system. This is the
time when they recognize the educational system to be a mere
mirror-reflector and rationalizer of economic and political inequities
that is failing to yield them enough concessions as before. This is the
time when they begin to speak of the alienation of the educational system
from the actual needs and aspirations of their own and of the masses of
In time of social crisis, the exploiting classes lose the allegiance of
students. The students increasingly associate themselves with the
exploited classes. They make common cause with those whose condition they
are in danger of falling into. What is considered the
"independent-mindedness" of the urban petty bourgeoisie (the much-vaunted
intelligent middle class) shifts from an allegiance to the exploiting
classes to an allegiance to the exploited masses. At the same time, the
exploited masses of the people welcome them in a common cause and in a
The Current Student Rebel Movement
It is no surprise that at the present time, when the whole society is in
crisis, when the government is becoming more and more bankrupt and the
masses of the people are groaning under the weight of exploitation, a wave
of student strikes rises in the Philippines. There are protests involving
questions ranging from the suppression of the student's right to speak out
on national issues and join mass actions to the excessive hike of tuition
and miscellaneous fees. The students are also uniting with their teachers
against the exploitative practices of school administrations. Together
they raise political and economic demands.
By virtue of its comprehensive grasp of the growing crisis in the national
and international situation, Kabataang Makabayan has been able to
anticipate and plan the development of the national student protest
movement in the Philippines. As early as the first semester of the
academic year 1967-68, its local chapters with the special attention of
its national officers had already launched a number of strikes in some
schools in the provinces and a general strike almost occurred in the
University of the Philippines on the issue of further Americanization. On
November 30, 1967, at its Second National Congress, the KM included in its
Programme of Action the following:
Among the students, the activists of Kabataang Makabayan should fight for
concrete measures that will benefit them. At the same time, they are
responsible for giving a national-democratic direction to the efforts of
students to improve their study and living conditions.
The Kabataang Makabayan should develop a national student protest movement
against the rising cost of education and living. It should stand against
the willingness of the government to allow the public school system to be
stifled and to deteriorate in favour of private schools which are, as a
matter of course, motivated by commercialism.
The current student rebel movement has been most vigorous in schools where
there are strong KM chapters. These student chapters have lent all the
support they can to the local student reform movements to such an extent
that the reactionary academic authorities and President Marcos have been
compelled to attack student strikers as "outsiders" and "subversives" to
confuse the issues. Mountain of leaflets for every school have been
distributed falsely in the name of Kabataang Makabayan in order to malign
it and in order to confuse the students.
The scope and intensity of the students strikes is unprecedented in the
entire history of the Philippines. It might appear that they are a
phenomenon entirely different from the long series of student and youth
demonstrations that started as early as March 14, 1961, when a student
front spearheaded by the Student Cultural Association of the U.P.
demonstrated with the force of 4,000 students against the witch-hunt
undertaken by the Committee on Un-Filipino Activities (CUFA).
All these student mass actions are interrelated and continuous. The
inter-connection and continuity do not lie only in the popularization of
direct democratic action but also in the substantial demands raised.
Student strikes and demonstrations have developed because of the evil
features of a system that is semi-colonial and semi-feudal, because of
conditions that adversely affect the students themselves. The anti-CUFA
demonstration of 1961 was ostensibly in defence of academic freedom and
autonomy of the state university but in reality it was already a defence
of the right of teachers and students to speak for the cause of national
democracy. From then on, student activism arose with the banner of
national democracy and continued to develop without let-up inside and
outside the state university.
There were smaller demonstrations against the U.S. invasion of Cuba,
against Malaysia and against imperialist nuclear black-mail until October
2, 1964, when the students conjoined with workers in demonstrating
massively against parity rights and the American military bases in front
of the U.S. embassy and Malaca¤ang. On November 30, 1964, Kabataang
Makabayan was formed to consolidate the students and young workers that
had participated in the militant demonstration of October 2, 1964, and
that had come under the threat of fixed bayonets.
On January 25, 1965, Kabataang Makabayan, together with other mass
organizations, was already in a position to launch a 20,000- strong
demonstration of students, workers and peasants on a wide range of issues
involving our country's basic problems of U.S. imperialism and feudalism.
Then came the series of demonstrations against the Vietnam Bill which
would require a suffering country like the Philippines to help U.S.
imperialism aggress further against the Vietnamese people. These reached a
climacteric point on October 23 and 24, 1966, when the Manila Summit was
held as an attempt of Lyndon B. Johnson to round up its Asian puppets for
more aggressive action against the Vietnamese people. The just anger of
youth became expressed in this demonstration even as the most brutal
police action was employed against them in a pocket-size and mild version
of Vietnam at the Manila Hotel.
On the question of Malaysia last year, the most wide-spread youth
demonstration all over the country was credited to chapters of Kabataang
Makabayan. Especially the most militant action at the British embassy and
U.S. embassy was adduced to Kabataang Makabayan by quarters merely
interested in expanding the Philippine territory to Sabah while keeping
silent on the U.S. military bases under our very noses. Kabataang
Makabayan has always made it clear that it is simply against Malaysia as a
handiwork of Anglo-American imperialism.
There have been other demonstrations like those against the oil monopolies
on the matter of implementing the retail trade nationalization law,
against the U.S. military bases for the killing of Filipino youth and so
on and so forth. There has also been KM participation in strikes conducted
in local factories and other places.
In all significant protest actions held previous to the current student
rebel movement, we can never fail to show their relation to the growing
socio-economic crisis of the Philippines due basically to its out-moded
and semi-colonial and semi-feudal status.
Struggle for National Democracy
We have always advocated the achievement of real national democracy as the
goal of our struggle. The present struggle of the students have as its
principal goal the achievement of national democracy. A comprehensive
presentation of this general goal is the Programme of Action of Kabataang
Makabayan. All other goals flow from this single goal. Students should
band together and fight vigorously to end foreign and feudal exploitation
that constricts their opportunities and those of the whole nation.
As the national democratic struggle is a broad struggle, embracing the
workers, peasants and other sectors of the population, the students should
always relate their own struggle to that of the entire people, mainly the
struggle of the exploited masses of workers and peasants.
Being a minority social group which is even detached from the actual
process of production, the students are in no position to make possible
revolutionary and lasting changes without their integration with the
struggle of the masses of workers and peasants.
All serious efforts should, therefore, be undertaken in order to transform
the present student rebel movement into a cultural revolution of a
national democratic orientation. We have dared say before that it is
veritably already an incipient cultural revolution. Its beginnings are
already forceful enough to make the first Propaganda Movement look like a
The Second Propaganda Movement that we have been advocating is essentially
a cultural revolution of a national democratic orientation. It is the
phase of creating the public opinion necessary for a comprehensive
national democratic revolution. The struggle for national democracy cannot
be successfully won without this cultural revolution.
In this cultural revolution, the students play an important role. The
ranks of students now are more sizable than ever before in the whole
history of the Philippines and they have the special characteristic of
mobility. As the students emanate from various parts of the country and of
a province, once they grasp the ideas of the struggle for national
democracy, they can fan out widely to broadcast these ideas of
revolutionary change even if only during their vacation periods or after
their graduation or when they choose to work full time for the
revolutionary mass movement and merge with the masses in a no-nonsense
manner. Many students are dropping out of school for economic reasons; it
would be a good thing for these economic drop-outs to engage in a
political struggle that seeks to improve their lot and that of the people.
It is the further goal of the cultural revolution to have the ideas of
national democratic revolution transformed into a material force. In
making the cultural revolution, we launch mass protest actions like
strikes and demonstrations, we hold conferences, seminars,lectures,
teach-ins, and other fora, and we publish rebel newspapers, pamphlets and
leaflets and we speak out without end for national democracy in
classrooms, in the streets, over the radio and everywhere else. But our
further goal is always to impel mass mobilization. Our campaign for mass
revolutionary education immediately creates the most tangible reality by
mobilizing right away the masses of the people.
The students and youth play a vanguard role in the cultural revolution, as
the Red Guards in their own high stage of cultural revolution, as the
10,000 French students that aroused more than 10 million French workers,
as the Vietnamese youth through armed propaganda units and cultural
organizations. But the ultimate goal for the students and youth that are
truly committed to the national democratic revolution is always to merge
with the masses of the people as they constantly remould their own
thinking and discard their petty bourgeois or individualistic prejudices
Youth On The March
by Jose Maria Sison
(Published in the Philippines Free Press, November 2, 1968)
A NATION that does not continuously renew itself through
progressive-minded and militant youth cannot possibly advance. A world of
timid and apathetic youth will merely feed all the regimes of injustice
and exploitation with a constant flow of manpower for exploited labor and
cannon fodder for unjust wars. Even a revolutionary society, say, a
socialist one, would stagnate and be thereafter corrupted if the process
of renewal and of continuous revolution is neglected or deliberately held
It is in the very nature of the world and of history that while there are
youth who question and fight the outdated order, striving to build a new
system or reach a new stage of development in which they stand to gain.
The problem of succession through the youth is common to both
reactionaries and revolutionaries. The reactionaries strive to preserve an
educational and cultural system that molds the thinking and behavior
patterns of the youth in a conservative way. The true revolutionaries work
to make all parts of their superstructure correspond to the mode of
existence of their society. Just as reactionaries zealously try to
preserve a heritage of exploitation, the true revolutionaries look after
their successors in the march towards greater social progress.
The youth are divisible into two conflicting sides of history, each side
trying to influence the apathetics in the middle sections of the political
spectrum. It is necessary to recognize that the youth, more than their
elders, are more receptive to what is new and progressive.
This receptiveness is sharply seen in crises, when the old ruling classes
and the old authorities no longer can rule the old way and resist change.
As the crisis ripens, a youthful movement and leadership inevitably
emerges with the new ideology, the new political program and the new
course of action. No matter what social class ascends to replace the old
ruling class, it relies on the ever expanding adherence of the youth to
what is new and progressive. Even the youth in self-satisfied centers of
learning in the Establishment raise the banner of change.
We are living today in a world of crises, marked by rapid emergence of the
new and rabid resistance of the old. Never has the world been so shaken as
now. The forces of socialism and national liberation are striking down the
ramparts of imperialism and local reactionary power with global sweep. We
are in the midst of radical choice.
We are in a world where old verities and old structures are the target of
angry yet positive, critical but constructive, mass actions of the youth
and the people.
"To rebel is justified!" is the battle cry of the youth of China. There
the youth came to be known the world over as the Red Guards. Millions
mobilized all over China and, because of our proximity to China, we could
almost hear the sound of their marches. Supported by the masses, they
brought down the bourgeois academic authorities (reactionary teachers and
administrators) and demanded a change in the educational system. Again,
together with the masses, the Red Guards gathered enough strength to
topple down degenerate government and party officials taking the
Where but in their own schools did the Red Guards start their great
proletarian cultural revolution? They saw their schools reflecting society
incorrectly. They acted to rectify the irresponsiveness of schools and
school authorities to the needs and demands of workers and peasants. At
the University of Peking, the whole earth-shaking phenomenon called the
great proletarian cultural revolution started with big posters denouncing
the highly-placed miscreants.
From the confines of academic walls, the youth took to the streets to
muster support from the masses of the people. Soon, because of the
relationship between school and society, the masses saw the point of the
ReD Guards. The Chinese youth became, in the May 4th Movement, a vanguard
force of enlightenment, arousing not only their own new generation but the
broad masses of the people. They could have been easily pushed back by the
reactionaries but for the overwhelming support of the masses who
themselves fully participated in the most extensive democracy and mass
learning ever witnessed by mankind.
What the Red Guards did in China also transpired in France, United States,
West Germany, Italy, Brazil, Uruguay, and Mexico. The youth form a
progressive force and subsequently strive to merge with the masses on the
basis of basic popular demands against U.S. imperialism and the various
stripes of local reactionaries.
The seizure of entire universities as Columbia University, the Sorbonne
and many others in Latin America and Western Europe is similar to the
seizure of Chinese universities by the Chinese youth.
In France, the youth seized the university and then took the streets in
the Latin Quarter. All this was followed by something more extensive and
more profound as the general strike of French workers and farmers which
still haunts De Gaulle's regime. A few tens of thousands of youth started
what subsequently embraced more than ten millions workers and farmers,
frightening the reactionaries and compelling them to unleash the violence
of the state. The French youth became truly strong politically with the
support given them by the masses of workers and farmers.
Let us compare the progressive actions of militant youth with those much
ballyhooed in the Western press as exemplary models of youth rebellion.
In Eastern Europe, particularly in Czechoslovakia and Poland, the
ultra-revisionist youth press for rapid liberalization, which means a
faster return of capitalism and collaborative relation with the United
States and West Germany.
In Asia, we are witness to youth movements which helped overthrow certain
regimes, Syngman Rhee's in South Korea and Sukarno's in Indonesia. These
youth actions differ radically from what transpired in China. In the
former, the existing corrupt state was retained and the old problems of
exploitation and bureaucratic corruption aggravated. The change was not
actually made by the youth, together with the masses, but by the
reactionary army which always tries to preserve the old state. In Korea,
General Park Chung Hee merely took advantage of youth unrest against
Syngman Rhee and seized power by coup d' etat over the heads of the
masses. In Indonesia, the same thing happened with Generals Nasution and
Suharto replacing Sukarno. The previous character of the state did not
Summarizing all these phenomena, we can state that the youth can be
revolutionary only if supported by the masses in effecting a basic
transformation of the state. Separated from the struggle of the masses,
the youth only lead themselves into spasms of anarchy, a situation easily
taken advantage of by reactionary army officers and other kinds of palace
It is worthwhile to differentiate revolutionary youth from
counter-revolutionary youth. If there were youth attracted to the swastika
of Hitler's Jungen, there were also youth who joined partisan movements
all over Europe, who fought fascism and triumphed in the end over the
German war machine. If there are youth enlisted in the armed forces of the
United States on missions of genocide in Vietnam, there are more American
youth in the anti-imperialist, anti-war and anti-draft movement. There are
also the rebellious black youth in the ghettoes. The young hoodlums
backstopped by the reactionary armies of Indonesia, South Korea and other
client states of the U.S. who go into rampages against progressives and
democrats of their own countries, are counterpointed by the revolutionary
youth who join the masses fighting against established system of
exploitation and suppression.
We see the revolutionary courage and heroism of Vietnamese youth fighting
American aggression in their country. The People's Liberation Armed Forces
of South Vietnam are youthful faces.
The Filipino youth have had their own share of revolutionary struggles -
against the Spanish colonialists, against the American imperialists,
against the Japanese fascists. A revolutionary civil war has once occurred
within the living memory of many of today's youth; constantly threatening
imperialists and landlords, it pins its hopes on the youth.
Youth is the best fighting age. This is not meant to exclude progressive
adults from the ranks of revolutionaries: after all, no matter how old
they may be, they are still young in spirit because of revolutionary
experience and continuing revolutionary commitment.
Both old and young are subsumed by classes, drawn into the contention of
classes and nations, with the young grasping earliest the new and
It is the youth in the tradition of the Philippine revolution, of Andres
Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto and Gregorio del Pilar we are most concerned
with. They shed their blood on the battle field against foreign tyrants
and their local minions. With the Philippines increasingly in crisis, we
expect more youth to take the uncompromising road of revolt against social
injustices. After a long lull in the countryside and in the cities, we can
observe the stirrings of a resurgent national democratic movement in the
womb of a mis-shapen semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The youth of
the city, especially students and young workers, are rising in dissent.
Young peasants are goading their elders; the youth are astir in Cotabato,
Negros, Quezon, Pampanga, in many places. The youth are the vanguard of
It is in this respect that Kabataang Makabayan, the national democratic
youth organization with the most profoundly articulate program and the
most widespread membership in the Philippines today, has called itself the
Second Propaganda Movement, apart from the connotation and the denotation
that it is striving to solve old problems. It is a movement that prepares
public opinion for the advance and triumph of working people under the
radiant banner of proletarian leadership. It seeks to arouse and mobilize
the masses towards the achievement of a national democracy that is new and
progressive within the context of the most radical advances made by
mankind and the working class. It seeks to project the ideological and
political principles that can provide scientific direction to social
With Kabataang Makabayan in the vanguard, the Filipino youth are striving
for progress and social justice. They have demonstrated a militance
comparable to the youth of other lands and those in previous stages of our
national history. They have manifested a profound understanding of basic
problems and of the day's issues.
With Kabataang Makabayan in the vanguard, there have been demonstrations
of such depth and magnitude never before witnessed, protesting iniquities
in our social and political system. There have been demonstrations
spearheaded by KM on the murder of Filipinos in U.S. military bases, the
Parity Amendment and the Laurel-Langley Agreement, the Vietnam war, the
Retail Trade Nationalization Law and many others.
The historic actions of October 23rd and 24th of 1966 are still fresh in
the minds of the youth; these exposed the Manila Summit and caught the
U.S. President and a big complement of Asian puppets together. There have
been workers', students' and teachers' strikes participated in by
Kabataang Makabayan. All the time the character of the bourgeois state is
displayed before the unarmed protestants.
In schools all over the country, especially in the University of the
Philippines, there is a growing ferment manifested often by student
action. In the working class movement, the young workers are reassuming
leadership. In the countryside, the youth are more articulate and critical
of the old problem of feudalism than the officials of the barrio council
and community development projects of the reactionaries.
Alone, demonstrations, speeches and leaflets cannot bring about the
fundamental change of basic governmental policies but they certainly
arouse the masses and even goad certain sections of the urban petty
bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie to question the basic tenets of
the neo-colonial regime. They also discourage blatant abuses by the
Whatever its detractors say, the Kabataang Makabayan on the basis of
present objective conditions has become a milestone in the long march of
national democratic revolution. Is there any Philippine youth organization
now, comparable in strength and achievement in the national democratic
movement? The KM has made certain achievements that can no longer be
disregarded by history. Prof. Teodoro A. Agoncillo has taken note of these
in his History of the Filipino People. Its merits lie not only in its acts
of democratic protest, in militating the people, but also in its more
quiet acts of spreading the tenets of national democracy in urban and
A whole range of challenges to the Filipino youth are contained in the
national democratic program of action of the Kabataang Makabayan. This
program defines the conditions and tasks of the Filipino youth. As we
protest, we affirm the direction we are taking.
In the political field, we want to arouse and mobilize the Filipino youth
as a powerful coordinate of the masses led by the working class in the
great movement to realize the national democratic revolution. We are
committed to assisting the development of a powerful mass movement and a
working class leadership that can transform the character of the present
state and rid ourselves of the malignant rule of the comprador
bourgeoisie, the landlords and the corrupt government officials.
In the economic field, we seek national industrialization independent of
the foreign monopolies on the basis of an agrarian revolution that
liberates the peasants from feudal and semi- feudal oppression. We
envision a just and prosperous society that is made possible only by the
most intense and most effective political struggles of workers and
peasants. We do not seek crumbs from the well-laden table of the almighty
few but we seek general economic conditions that will not foster class
In the cultural field, we demand the national democratic re- orientation
of our educational system, mass media and other parts of the social
superstructure. We reject the colonial-feudal and bourgeois-imperialist
culture that restrain the advance of the exploited masses and all other
progressive sectors of the population. At a time when the youth are
corrupted by a backward and decadent culture, we urge the rising Filipino
youth, a fresh force,to overthrow such regressive and anti-popular culture
and make possible a new and progressive one responsive to the aspirations
of the nation and the masses.
In the field of social welfare and mass work, we seek the improvement of
the working and living conditions of the masses of workers, peasants,
fishermen and all semi-proletariat. The youth must help them develop the
political strength that can guarantee whatever economic gains have been
made. They must take the mass line, that is, rouse them on the basis of
their own concrete demands and rely on their massive efforts to contend
with the exploiters. They must help heighten the political consciousness
of the masses in the course of participating in their economic struggle.
In the field of national security, we demand the abolition of the
country's dependence on foreign military bases and dictation. We base our
concept of national security on the sovereign democratic powers of the
masses. If the masses can succeed in freeing themselves from U.S.
imperialist control and from their local exploiters, it will be impossible
for another foreign power to subject them to another successful
aggression. The mythical possibility of another foreign aggression is no
justification for the reality of a perpetuated aggression against the
nation and the masses by U.S. imperialism and local exploiting classes.
Our well-entrenched enemy keeps saying our friends are our enemies in
order to present himself as our friend.
In the field of foreign policy, we seek an independent diplomacy and
trade, a broadening of the present state of our foreign relations and a
rejection of the stultifying "special relations" with the U.S. government,
U.S. imperialism has so much control over our national life that the
simpletons and deliberate liars in our midst keep spreading that we rally
merely on foreign policy issues when the fact is that there are perfectly
domestic issues even as a foreign power is the target of our opposition.
That is because such a foreign power is well-entrenched in our politics,
economy, culture and security system; this is all-round domination by the
imperialists on the basis of the semi-feudal debility of the country.
The tasks of the national-democratic movement, the entire Filipino youth,
and the Kabataang Makabayan are clear. In schools, farms, factories and
communities, new cells of change are multiplying before the sweep of the
Second Propaganda Movement.
The unfulfilled aspirations of the nation and the masses throb in the
hearts and minds of the young. This generation strives to recoup the
failures of the past and girds for the triumphs of the future. As the
progressive youth movement and the Kabataang Makabayan struggle for
fundamental changes, they will be defamed by the overt and covert enemies
of national democracy but they will triumph in the end.
Only through militant struggle can the best in youth shall emerge. Only
through the struggle can become more evident the constant replenishment of
the fighting forces by the ceaseless flow of new blood.