Book Launching:
Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution

by Jose Maria Sison (Amado Guerrero)


Gulliver Function Room,
Great Eastern Hotel, Quezon City


July 20,  2013





Photos by Arkibong Bayan, Buhay Manggagawa and Sarah Raymundo
as indicated by the filenames



A Rejoinder to the Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution 1968-1972


by Sarah Raymundo

Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND)

Faculty of the Center for International Studies, University of the Philippines-Diliman


It is with a deep sense of honor and gratitude that I deliver my response to a tough  problematique raised by the organizers of this book launch: a rejoinder to the first volume of Jose Ma. Sison’s selected essays from 1968-1972 that is based on the impact of this body of work on the post-70s generation of youth and students. Four years ago in 2009, I committed myself to a similar task and spoke on the vitality of Marxism in 21st century for an international gathering of workers unions.  To speak of the vitality of Marxism at the onset of the financial crisis was not as complicated as speaking against the much-vaunted “trickle down effect” of globalization as the ratification of the GATT-WTO was under way back in the 90s when we were all more or less twenty years younger.


I mention this to highlight a very personal yet political sense of validation derived from a decision made in one’s youth: that of holding fast to the idea of dialectical thinking against the fragmenting logic of capital, of class struggle against capitalist triumphalism, of social revolution against reaction, of partisan reality against relativism, and why not say it, of communism against a crisis-ridden capitalist system which has proven itself hostile toward human life.


In a provisional way, I speak before you tonight on the work of Jose Ma. Sison no longer feeling weighed down or defeated by the so-called failure of the socialist experiment, and much less by this congratulatory handshake to the White House raised to level of political philosophy by Francis Fukuyama who once announced that capitalism is the end of history. Yet by no means do I stand before you with an absolute sense of victory.


Rather, I carry with me the imperative weight of the social order still skewed to the interest  of landlords, big bourgeois compradors, and bureaucrat capitalists whose control over state and economy is all for the preservation of unbridled private property. Nonetheless, there can be no other kind of heaviness more unassailable than my generation’s collective remembrance of contemporaries who dared to struggle in the protracted people’s war for national liberation toward socialism. They who, up to their last breath, defied the path of least resistance—the bleakest way to live, the road to listless self-implosion.


The post-70s generation, the Martial Law babies who are now in their thirties or early forties, those among us who grew up under fascist rule and its own deprave cultural trajectories, had to choose between activism or self-implosion sometime in our late teens, and within the context of being young scholars in the university. But there was a larger, more transfixing context than that of being young, smart, and almost always awkward. Something was happening. Mainstream media, most of our professors, and a few more pundits called it the failure of socialism. And little did I know that my attraction toward the student movement –the ways in which I initially lingered and gravitated around it like some wishful and clingy fan—would count me as one of the children of the Second Great Rectification Movement.


In many ways, it was difficult to be an activist in the 90s. Not only did we have to defy our parents’ wishes. We also had to explain to our fellow students and professors why it was still necessary to be an activist amidst the so-called failure of socialism, the splintering of the Philippine Left, the promise of globalization, and then President Fidel V. Ramos’ openness to the Peace Negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines.


The rest of what I would like to share with you revolves around our generation’s tarrying with and traversing failure, as it were, in relation to this first volume. 


The first of five volumes of Jose Ma.Sison’s works engages the problem of “failure” within the context of the dialectical progression of history through various modes of production. This progression is by no means peaceful. This progression is fraught with contradictions, and is vulnerable to regression. The first essay which was drafted by Jose Ma. Sison and finalized by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines is entitled “Rectify our Errors and Rebuild the Party (1966).” Immediately, the book invites the reader to deploy the logic of error in historicizing the Philippine revolution.


Knowledge production is a process that results from the concrete analysis of concrete conditions, and actual engagement with and intervention into these conditions whose resulting errors enable a much informed, if not a higher state of knowledge, intervention, and engagement. With much urgency informed by comprehensive assessments, marked by a scientific disposition to build on past errors, this document pushes the political value of owning up to failure to its logical conclusion: the call to begin again; and here, we are called upon to begin with the idea of communism through party building.


This repetition is posited as an imperative and a scientific alternative to the internal contradictions that had caused the Party to fail at a particular historical juncture. To conceive of this repetition as an exercise in political dogmatism is a hasty abandonment of the logic of error which fuels the scientific production of knowledge about the world and the ways in which we live in it.


Building on past errors, the ruling class of the capitalist system has since the crisis of advance capitalism in the turn of the century through the 21st century imposed various ways of saving the system, from imperialist expansion to bank bailouts. But this act of imperialist rebuilding has been proven futile by the continued crisis of the system which rests on the logic of profit accumulation.  Both revolutionary and reactionary forces recognize that rectification and rebuilding are integral part of mounting hegemony. There is no outside in the struggle between hegemony and counter-hegemony.


The claim that “another world is possible” advanced by advocates of new social movements whose claim to politics rests  on a witting or unwitting rejection of redistributive justice, and the struggle that it entails; the same kind of politics which lays monopolistic claims on changed aspirations and new grievances while it frowns upon the idea of organized resistance within the context of a proletarian vanguard party, fails to bridge an argument toward  that possible world by ignoring two highly organized and irreconcilable forces that actually continue to shape global struggles: the globalizing ruling elite of capitalism versus the mounting resistance of communist forces which have influenced radical social movements in Latin America and the Caribbean, in Southeast Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East. The Occupy Movement in North America and Europe, have pushed the communist forces to engage in a revitalized international solidarity work which perhaps accounts for the resurgence of the idea of communism in the academe and other institutionalized formations such as unions, research  and advocacy centers, etc.


Rebuilding the Party is a step enabled less by dogmatism than an act of owning up to the Party’s failure to hold fast to its basic principles, principles which were not proven ineffective or wrong, only betrayed. This is the context in which this first volume of Jose Maria Sison’s work proves to be a significant contribution to sustain political movement in different spheres of activity, and in ways that are mutually enabling. Beyond engaging the problem of failure, this first volume is also dedicated to a tough and thoughtful accounting of lessons from past failed endeavours as it makes straightforward the complicated history of the beginnings of the introduction of the dictatorship of the proletariat to the unfinished Philippine Revolution led by Andres Bonifacio.


This volume interestingly contains the “Constitution of the CPP;” the “Declaration of the NPA;” the “Summing Up Of Our Experience After Three Years;”  and the “Revolutionary Guide to Land Reform.” The inclusion of these documents, to my mind, is by no means an attempt to make a manual out of a book of selected works. They were selected precisely for this volume to stress that another world must be constructed; that change happens where we are at; and both everyday and strategic interventions must be carefully guided by basic principles if these were to push our history toward a progressive path. Most significantly, this first volume’s emphasis on rectification and rebuilding, reinforced by selected essays that cull the most relevant and astounding historical events in France, Vietnam, and our very own experience of the Martial Law period, makes for the movement’s continued commitment to what is apparently a very reasonable and noble fundamental aim: for the Philippine revolutionary movement to be ever ready to assume social command of its operations.  Social command takes in all aspects of revolutionary transformation—political, military, economic –primarily to enjoin the most oppressed and exploited in Philippine society:


“In the countryside the people’s army should be constantly built up from among the exploited peasantry under the leadership of  the proletariat and the Party. A program of agrarian revolution should be implemented in order to fulfil the main content of the people’s democratic revolution. To make possible and protect the aims of the agrarian revolution, the Party should develop rural bases and direct a wide range of fighting areas, from stable base areas to guerrilla zones.”


Sison’s essay on the Paris Commune spells an integrative struggle buttressed by the valorization of labor, and its most urgent stakes in the revolution:


“Against the anarchist tenets of Blanqui, the workers of Paris did not only destroy the bourgeois state machine but established the dictatorship of the proletariat; it was  not a mere handful of intellectuals that made revolutionary triumph possible but the great mass of workers in the course of class struggle.”


With much revolutionary optimism based on rigorous social investigation and revolutionary historical understanding, Sison concludes his essayon the Paris Commune and its inspiration to the Communist Party of the Philippines:


“In honor of the revolutionary masses, we will even dare to say that their armed struggle after WW II is the general rehearsal for the seizure of power that is still to come in our country.”


Let me end by once again evoking what is supposed to be the main point of this rejoinder to the first volume of JMS’ selected essays from 1968-1972: A sharing of the impact of this body of work on the post-70s generation of youth and students. This body of work has gone beyond just being an opus. This body of what is actually a collective work of a generation who wanted revolution and actually pushed it is by now a way of living practiced by thousands upon thousands of Filipinos. I daresay that my generation is not only learning from this way of living. My generation, the children of the Second Great Rectification Movement, is waging this revolution as we speak. And we are proudly responsible to wage this revolution on all fronts.


Thank you and good evening.  


20 July 2013

Great Eastern Hotel, Quezon Avenue, Philippines

Dr. Nonilon Queano reads the welcome remarks
of Dean Luis V. Teodoro, Chair, Aklat ng Bayan, Inc.
Rep. Satur Ocampo, President of the Makabayang Koalisyon ng Mamamayan (MAKABAYAN),
on the historical context and significance of the 5-volume series
A book review by Dr. Dante Simbulan of KATARUNGAN
(Center for Justice, Peace and Human Rights in the Philippines)
Jacqueline Joy Eroles, Deputy Secretary General, ANAKBAYAN
on the impact of Jose Maria Sison's writings on Post-70s generation of youth and students
Prof. Sarah Raymundo, OIC-UP Center for Integrative Studies,
delivers her "A Rejoinder to the Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution, 1968-1972)
Remarks by Jonas Staal
Remarks by Dr. Charlie Samuya Veric
Remarks of Paloma Polo
Click here for the video of her remarks

Remarks at the book launch of Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution


I am honored to be with you tonight to speak briefly as an academic upon the invitation of Professor Jose Maria Sison and I congratulate him on the publication of his latest book, Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution.1

In an interview that came out last year in the Sunday issue of the Philippine Star, Wilson Lee Flores had asked Sison how he wanted Philippine history to remember him and his legacy. “I would like to be remembered,” Sison responded, “as the activist and articulator of the Filipino people’s struggle and aspirations for national independence, genuine democracy, national industrialization and land reform, social justice, a patriotic and progressive culture and international solidarity for peace and development.”2

Sison’s words reveal two important lessons that we will do well to remember.

First, he sees himself as the articulator of the aspirations of the Filipino people for a life that is just, free, and meaningful. The book that we are launching tonight, an addition to a long and growing collection of his works, is a testament to such an idea. Perhaps it can be said that no other living political thinker has meditated on the historical destiny of the Filipino people in the homeland and the diaspora as much as Sison. His thought, in this sense, represents an important cultural archive that creates a radical future for Filipinos everywhere.

Second, Sison imagines himself as the articulator of international solidarity, one that creates the condition for a genuine and perpetual peace to exist. In “Rectify Errors and Rebuild the Party,” a touchstone in the development of his political thought, Sison would emphasize the “policy of the international united front” as early as 1966.3

This internationalist spirit is responsible for reconnecting me today to Sison’s ideas. I had read him as a student at UP in the late 1990s, but never did I expect to get reunited with his thought as a doctoral student at Yale at the height of the Great Recession in the US. As a member of the Yale Working Group on Globalization and Culture, a cultural studies laboratory whose intellectual roots go back to the heyday of the New Left in the UK, I decided to write about Sison, hoping to compare his political thought with those of Frantz Fanon and Paulo Freire.4 In this essay, which was published later in an academic journal, I argued that their writings in the 1960s constituted a world-system of decolonizing thought that made it possible for the proverbial wretched of the earth to imagine the planet as their city to come.


Surprisingly, finding the connection in Fanon, Freire, and Sison’s political thoughts proved to be easy. In many ways, Yale as a place made it possible for me to see what connected the Filipino intellectual to his two more famous contemporaries, even if the latter might not have known the former at all.

Let me say why.

In the heart of Yale campus, a mighty flagpole stands as a memorial to Augustus Canfield Ledyard, an American who fell on Negros Island in 1899.5 Take a few steps into Woolsey Hall, a neo-classical building built in 1901 with frescoed ceilings, and there you will find the names of the dead in what the memorial conveniently calls the Philippine Insurrection. In the auditorium where orchestras would play, one of the seats had been made extra large to hold the weight of the “big man on campus,” William Howard Taft, who was appointed as Governor General of the Philippines.

These monuments, the cenotaph outside Woolsey Hall states, are dedicated to the “Memory of the MEN of YALE who, true to Her Traditions, gave THEIR LIVES that FREEDOM might not perish from the Earth.”

Not far from the cenotaph in whose shadow I used to sit in springtime, the words of Nelson Mandela, barely visible, are etched in granite walls framing the Beinecke Library, stating: “Your freedom and mine cannot be separated.”

I want to think that the freedom that Mandela cites refers less to the aspirations of Yale’s fallen sons who took up, willingly or not, the white man’s burden. Mandela’s freedom, it seems to me, relates more to the aborted freedom of the nameless Filipinos who fell 8,483 miles from New Haven so that a more perfect freedom might flourish on this earth.

To connect the unremembered dead on Negros Island to Mandela’s unfinished struggle is to stand, if I may say, for international solidarity. To make this imaginative leap is to think internationally. That is to say, a new planet awaits a unified wretched everywhere.

We are grateful to Professor Jose Maria Sison for continuing to remind us of internationalism’s radical necessity.

  1. Jose Maria Sison, Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution. Hague and Manila: International Network for Philippine Studies and Aklat ng Bayan, 2013.

  2. Wilson Lee Flores. “Joma Sison on Ninoy, Marcos, Cory, P-Noy, Ara Mina, and Lino Brocka: An Interview with Jose Maria Sison.” Philippine Star. 19 August 2012.

  3. Jose Maria Sison, “Rectify Errors and Rebuild the Party.” In Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution. Initially drafted by Sison in 1966, the document was later ratified by the Communist Party of the Philippines in 1968.

  4. Charlie Samuya Veric, “Third World Project, or, How Poco Failed.” Social Text 1.114 (2013): 1-20.

  5. Elsewhere, I have written about these memorials to forgetting. See Charlie Samuya Veric, “Going to Yale.” Kritika Kultura 7 (2006): 90-92. Available online at

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Program Emcees: Josa Deinla and Rep. Mong Palatino


Talumpati sa Book Launch ng librong “Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution”ni Prop. Jose Maria Sison

ni Jaqueline Joy Eroles
20 July 2013

Marami pong salamat sa inyong imbitasyon na makapagbahagi hinggil sa kahalagahan ng sulatin ni Propesor Jose Maria Sison na tinipon sa librong “Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution” ni Propesor Jose Maria Sison. Isa pa lamang ito sa limang librong nagtitipon ng piling sulatin ni Ka Joma mula 1968-1991.

Ito ay inililimbag sa okasyon ng paggunita sa ika-150 taong kaarawan ni Ka Andres Bonifacio.Ang paksa ng limang libro ay hinggil sa pagpapatuloy ng rebolusyong 1896 na pinamunuan ni Andres Bonifacio.

Pero sino nga ba si Andres Bonifacio para sa mga kabataan ngayon?

Sinubukan kong magtanung-tanong sa mga kapwa-kabataan kung sino si Andres Bonifacio at kung ano ang halaga ng rebolusyong 1896 para sa kabataan ngayon.

Ang pinakamadalas kong nakuhang sagot ay “wala”, tapos sabay tatawa. Pagkatapos ng pangungulit ay sasagot naman sila.

May mga nagsabi na mahalaga si Bonifacio dahil simbolo siya ng pagiging makabayan. May nagsabi rin na mahalaga ang rebolusyong 1896 dahil nananatili pa rin ang pagkaalipin ng ating bayan sa dayuhan. May sumagot na “ah basta, dahil matapang siya”.

Ang paborito kong sagot ay nakuha ko mula sa isang freshman student sa UP, ang sabi niya simbolo si Bonifacio ng “paglaban kung kailan di na epektibo ang pagsusulat at paghingi ng reporma.”

Marahil ito ang naging paborito ko dahil hindi ko inaasahan na manggagaling ito sa isang freshman. Ito kasi ang tipo ng kamulatan na pilit iniiwasan o isinasantabi sa mga paaralan sa pagtuturo ng kasaysayan.

Bilang bahagi ng organisasyon ng Anakbaya, bahagi ng tungkulin namin ang magbigay ng pag-aaral hinggil sa Lipunan at Rebolusyong Pilipino sa mga kabataan upang maunawaan nila ang kasaysayan ng pag-aalipin at paglaban ng bayan.

Sa totoo, napakahirap po ang magturo ng kasaysayan sa kabataan ngayon. Naobserbahan ko na madalas na kakaunti, baha-bahagya, o salat ang kanilang kaalaman sa kasaysayan.

Karamihan sa kabataanpinaniwalana nakamit na ang pambansang kasarinlan noong Hunyo 12, 1898. Pero kungtatanungin din sila kung “Nararamdaman mo ba na malaya ang Pilipinas ngayon?” ang isasagot rin nila ay “Hindi”.

“Bakit hindi pa rin tayo malaya? “Papaano dapat ipagpapatuloy ang rebolusyon ito?”

Ito ang mga tanong na pilit itinatago o kaya naman ay hindi sapat-sapat na sinasagot sa mga paaralan na pinalalala pa ng paglaganap ng mga repormistang kaisipan at impluwensya sa pamamagitan ng mass media at iba pang institusyon ng estado.

Salat man sa kaalaman sa kasaysayan, mayaman naman ang karanasan ng kabataan sa kahirapan ng bayan. Una dahil ito ang obhektibo naming nararanasan sa araw-araw: ang kawalan ng karapatan sa pag-aaral, ng oportunidad sa disenteng trabaho, ng pagkain sa araw-araw, at ng kalayaan sa pagpapahayag at pagkilos. At ikawala, dahil patuloy ang pagsusumikap at impluwensya ng makasaysayang kilusang mapagpalaya upang ilantad ang sistemang nagbubunsod ng mga ito.

Kaya naman, hindilubos na maitatago at maisasantabi sa mga paaralan at iba pang institusyon ang makubuluhang tunguhin para sa ‘social awareness’, ‘social involvement’, ‘paglilingkod sa kapwa’ at ‘paglilingkod sa bayan’.

Gayunpaman, binabaluktot ang mga konseptong ito sa pagsisikap na ilayo ang kabataan sa rebolusyunaryong landas at dalhin sa makitid na kaisipan ng “pagbabagong nakasentro sa sarili”, “kongkretong benepisyo”, “kanya-kanyang adbokasiya” at iba pa.

Sinisikap din kaming higupin ng malalaking mga negosyo sa kani-kanilang programa ng “corporate social responsibility” upang isiksik kami sa ganitong mga binaluktot na porma ng pagiging “makabayan” at itago ang matinding pagsasamantalang kanilang ginagawa.

Sa pamamayagpag ng mga social networking sites,sinusuhayan ang pagbibigay ng ilusyon sa mga kabataan ng kalayaan sa pagpapahayag-ng-sarili at maaaring magkaroon ng kanya-kanyang opinyon.

Sa facebook, walang may monopolyo ng iisang katotohanan, kung ilan ang friends mo, ganoon din kadami ang bersyon ng katotohanan at okay lang yun. Sa twitter, nasusukat ang sama-samang pagkilos kung trending ang hashtag niyo.

Nilalason ang kaisipan ng kabataan ng pluralismo o kaisipang maaari magkaroon ng kanya-kanyang opinyon at “walang may monopolyo ng iisang katotohanan” ang layunin nito ay upang maliitin ang katotohanan sa suri ng pambansa-demokratikong kilusan bilang “isa lamang sa mga perspektiba”.

Sa loob ng mga pampubliko at pampribadong paaralan, pilit pinaliliit ang halaga ng pag-aaral ng kasaysayan. Binubura o pinaliliit ang oportunidad sa pag-alam sa kolonisasyon at imperyalistang paghahari ng US at ang kaakibat na makasaysayang paglaban ng mamamayan.

Todo-todo rin ang kampanya ng estado para sa kaisipang “non-violence” o absolutong pagkundena sa militanteng pagkilos ng mamamayan sa lungsod.

“Okay lang magpahayag ng hinaing, pero wag mag-rally, wag sisigaw, sumunod pa rin sa may-kapangyarihan, at huwag makipagbakbakan sa lansangan.”

Inaatake rin ang makatarungang pagkilos para sa radikal na pagbabago sa pamamagitan ng armadong paglaban ng mamamayan sa kanayunan. Pero sagad-sa-langit naman ang papuri sa pwersang militar ng estado habang itinatago ang pamamaslang at malupit nitong pagyurak sa karapatan ng mamamayan.

Ang ganitong pagsusumikap na ilayo ang kabataan upang maunawaan ang kongkretong kalagayan, ugat ng suliranin, ang halaga ng sama-samang pagkilos, at ang katarungan ng militante’t armadong pakikibaka ay hindi bago para sa kasalukuyan naming henerasyon.

Sa anumang bayan at sa anumang panahon, ang kabataan ay pilit nilang binubulag, nilalason ang isipan, at ginagawang kimi at sunud-sunuran. Ngunit hindi rin nawawala ang kabataang tumututol at lumalaban, nagpupunyagi para sa pagbabago at magtayo ng bagong sistema.


“Bakit hindi pa rin tayo malaya? “Papaano dapat ipagpapatuloy ang rebolusyon ito?”

Para sa aming mga kabataan na nabuhay pa lang ng dalawa hanggang tatlong dekada kumpara sa daang taong pagpupunyagi ng mamamayan para sa tunay na kalayaan, mahahalagang aral ang ibinibigay ng sulating inilimbag sa librong ito at maging ng daan-daan pang ibang sulatin ng rebolusyunaryong kilusan.

Mahalagang paglilinaw sa kabataan ang kasalukuyang sistemang panlipunan ng ating bayan. Na dahil sa panghihimasok ng imperyalistang Estados Unidos ay nasadlak sa malakolonyal at malapyudal na sistema ang ating lipunan. Na upang itulak sa pag-unlad ang ating bayan, kailangang ilunsad ang isang digmang bayan, na pangunahin nilalaman ay digmang magsasaka, upang pawiin ang ekonomikong batayan ng paghaharing impe sa bansa.

Ang nilalaman ng librong ito ay mahahalagang sulatin hinggil sa pundasyon para sa pagpapatuloy ng rebolusyon ni Bonifacio. Malinaw na ang pundasyong ito ay walang iba kundi ang pagtatatag ng proletaryadong partidong may maka-uring linya sa ideolohiya, pulitika, at organisasyon. Ito lamang ang may kakayanan na pamunuan ang mamamayan ng mundo upang dalhin sa libingan ng kasaysayan ang imperyalismo.

Kaya’t sa kabila ng pagsusumikap nilang ilayo ang kabataan sa rebolusyunaryong kamulatan at pakikibaka, buo ang aming panininindigan na tanging sa pamamagitan ng pambansa demokratikong pakikibaka ng mamamayan na may sosyalistang perspektiba makakamit ang tunay na paglaya ng sambayanan.

Kailangang magpasalamat ng mga kabataan, dahil bagamat salat pa sa kaalaman at karanasan, hindi malayo ang tanglaw ng pag-asa para sa mas mahusay na bukas dahil ang tinutuntungan ng kabataan ay ang mayamang karanasan sa pakikibaka ng mamamayan.

Asahan po ninyo na sa gabay ng mga ito ay puspusan ang kilusang kabataan sa pagsusumikap na labanan ang mga lasong pinapakawalan sa loob at labas ng mga akademya; buo ang aming kapasyahan na ipalaganap ang kawastuhan at katarungan ng rebolusyunaryong pakikibaka ng sambayanan sa mga eskuwelahan, bukirin, pabrika, at mga komunidad.

Tulad noong panahon ng kabataan nila Ka Joma noong 60s, hanggang ngayon ay “pumipintig pa rin sa puso at kaisipan ng kabataan ang hindi pa nakakamit na adhikain ng ating bansa at ng masa.Nagsisikap pa rin ang henerasyong ito na makabawi sa mga kabiguan ng nakaraan at naghahanda sa tagumpay ng hinaharap. ”

Mabuhay ang Pambansa Demokratikong pakikibaka ng mamamayan! Marami pong salamat.


Message of Prof. Jose Maria Sison

Prof. Rica Nepomuceno of the UP College of Music
sings Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa
People's Chorale sings Awit ni Laya

  People's Chorale  




Presentation of Books
Board members of Aklat ng Bayan distribute complimentary copies of the book.




Go to Aklat ng Bayan website for inquiries













Dear Friends,

Warmest greetings of solidarity!

I thank all of you for attending this book launch. I thank Prof. Luis V. Teodoro, Chair of Aklat ng Bayan for welcoming you earlier through his representative Prof. Noli Queaño. I thank Ruth de Leon, Issa D. Palo, Levie Ebio, Joel Celestial and the other organizers for realizing this event.

I give special thanks to the distinguished speakers the Hon. Satur Ocampo, Dr. Dante Simbulan, Prof. Sarah Raymundo and Jaquelin Joy Eroles and to my cooperators in various projects Jonas Staal, Dr. Charles S. Veric and Ms Paloma Polo for giving their kind remarks.

I thank the editor-in-chief Julieta de Lima, executive editor Alvin Firmeza and book designer Janos Sison for having worked hard to produce this book, Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution.

I reiterate my thanks to Aklat ng Bayan and International Network for Philippine Studies, for the publication of this book and the next four books, under the general title of Continuing the Philippine Revolution.

I am deeply pleased that the entire series of books is meant to celebrate the 150th birth anniversary of Andres Bonifacio, the leader of the old democratic revolution of 1896, and is aimed at refreshing consciousness of the new democratic revolution in the period of 1968 to 1990


May the books serve the purpose of imparting knowledge and more importantly promoting the ideas for continuing the struggle for national and social liberation of our people who suffer intolerable exploitation and oppression in the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system.

Mabuhay kayo!
Isulong ang rebolusyong Pilipino!
Mabuhay ang sambayanang Pilipino!


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Book Sale






  Stills of the video message of Prof. Jose Maria Sison