Book Launch and Celebrating 55 Years of Service to the People at 75

 

February 8 and 9, 2014 at UP Diliman and Amsterdam

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Prof. Jose Maria Sison signs books at a book launching in Amsterdam, Netherlands, Feb. 9, 2014
   
 


Launched July 20,. 2013
     

Poet Gelacio Guillermo reviews book of Prof. Jose Maria Sison at a book launching at UP Diliman on Feb. 8, 2014
   
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Photos by Arkibongbayan, Briant de los Santos and Rex de los Santos as indicated by the filenames
           

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Remarks of Prof. Jose Maria Sison at the launching of his three books at the University of the Philippines SOLAIR,
Diliman, Quezon City on February 8, 2014

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison

Dear Colleagues and Friends,

I am deeply pleased and honored by the publication of the three books: Defeating Revisionism, Reformism and Opportunism, Building Strength through Struggle and Celebration. I thank the publishers and the organizers, speakers and all other participants in the launch of these books today.

I am delighted that this book launch marks and lends meaning to the 55th year of my service to the revolutionary struggle of the Filipino people as well as the 75th year of my existence outside the womb.

Defeating Revisionism, Reformism and Opportunism and Building Strength through Struggle are the second and third books in the series of five books under the general title of Continuing the Philippine Revolution. The first book is Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution and was issued in July last year. The fourth and fifth books, Detention and Defiance Against Dictatorship and Continuing the Struggle for National and Social Liberation, will be issued in the next few months. The five books span the years 1968 to 1990.

Defeating Revisionism, Reformism and Opportunism is a necessary companion of the first book, Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution. You must read the two books because they are complementary and interlap in time.

Resuming the Philippine revolution in 1968 was not simply a matter of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) reestablishing itself by adopting the ideological line of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the general political line of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war against such obvious enemies as US imperialism and the local exploiting classes of big compradors and landlords.

It was also imperatively a matter of rectifying errors and opposing modern revisionism centred in the Soviet Union and peddled by local revisionists, against reformism most touted at the time by the bourgeois nationalists and labor aristocrats and by both the incubators of Marcosian authoritarianism and clerico-fascism under the shared guise of constitutional reform and against opportunism in the history and circumstances of the old merger party of the Communist and Socialist Parties.

The CPP studied seriously Mao’s victorious leadership of the new democratic and socialist stages of the Chinese revolution, all the way to his critique of modern revisionism and his theory and practice of continuing revolution under the proletarian state through cultural revolution in order to combat revisionism, prevent capitalist restoration and consolidate socialism.

Even as the cultural revolution was defeated in China itself after some years of victory in the period of 1966 to 1976, the anti-revisionist struggle of Mao has a strong influence on the CPP in terms of firming up the revolutionary will and inspiring the militancy of cadres and members. It explains why and how socialist societies degenerate from within and disintegrate without suffering any defeat from an imperialist war of aggression. It poses the problem of revisionism and capitalist restoration and offers the solution to be realized and developed in the long transition of of socialism to communism.

Building Strength through Struggle is the third book in the series and covers the period from the proclamation of martial law in 1972 to my capture on November 10, 1977. It extends and further develops the founding principles, policies and lines of action in the resumption of the Philippine revolution.

It elaborates the why and how the Filipino proletariat and people struggled and employed the revolutionary party of the proletariat, the armed struggle and the united front against the US-instigated Marcos fascist dictatorship. It contains the documents and articles that guided the nationwide expansion and advance of the revolutionary forces. It shows how the strength of the people was built precisely through revolutionary struggle. It was in the period of 1972 to 1977 that the revolutionary forces struck deep roots among the people, especially among the toiling masses, on a national scale.

Among the most important documents in this period are the following:

1. “Overthrow the US-Marcos Dictatorship to Achieve National Freedom and Democracy”, which was issued shortly after the proclamation of martial law in September 1972, condemned the dictatorship as an ultra-reactionary instrument of US imperialism and the local exploiting classes and called for its overthrow through people’s war.

2. “Guide for Establishing the People’s Democratic Government” , which was promulgated in 1972, laid down the principles, policies and methods for building the revolutionary government in the countryside to replace the counterrevolutionary state of the big compradors and landlords based in the urban areas.

3. “Specific Characteristics of Our People’s War in the Philippines”, which was published in 1975, creatively applied Chairman Mao Zedong’s principles of people’s war to concrete Philippine conditions based on the experience gained by the NPA and taking into account the relatively wide countryside and the archipelagic and mountainous character of the country as well as the domestic and international situation.

4. “Our Urgent Tasks”, which was issued in 1975, sharpened the general political line as one of combating fascism, feudalism and imperialism and called on the revolutionary forces to carry out the the urgent tasks and the proper methods and steps in building various types of mass organizations and the local organs of political power and waging mass campaigns. Since then, the armed revolutionary mass base has grown, providing the ever widening and and ever deepening basis for carrying out protracted people’s war.

5. “The 10-Point Program of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), which was first outlined in 1973 and elaborated upon in 1977, spelled out the strategy and tactics for overthrowing the Marcos autocracy. The NDFP has been consolidated thereby as a united front of the basic revolutionary forces and has served as a base for engaging in broader alliances in order isolate and destroy the enemy at every given time.

The decisions taken by the CPP Central Committee were resolutely and militantly implemented by the Party rank and file, the New People’s Army and the masses. The ground for fighting and defeating the Marcos fascist dictatorship was well laid on a national scale from 1972 to 1977. Thus, even after I was captured by the enemy on November 10, 1977, I continued to be confident that the Filipino people and their revolutionary cause would prevail over the enemy.

Prior to my capture, the theoretical and political groundwork had already been set for the people to achieve revolutionary victories, leading ultimately to the downfall of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986. It served to strengthen the fighting will, capabilities and methods (strategy and tactics) of the people and revolutionary forces even against the recrudescence of “Left” and Right opportunism among some elements in the CPP leadership in the 1980s.

It is necessary to read and study all the contents of Building Strength through Struggle in order to understand why and how the people’s democratic revolution had caused the overthrow of the Marcos fascist dictatorship, how it has continued to fight and win victories against the pseudo-democratic regimes, how it has frustrated subjectivist and opportunist trends and how it has excelled as a torch bearer of armed revolution led by the proletariat amidst the dominance of neocolonialism in the underdeveloped countries, the full restoration of capitalism in former revisionist-ruled countries and the neoliberal plunder and aggression of the imperialist powers worldwide.

I am glad that Celebration is reissued, after improvement and updating. Once more I thank all the contributors to the book for appreciating the service that I have tried to render to the Filipino proletariat and people in their struggle for national liberation and democracy in preparation for a socialist future.

The broad masses of the Filipino people are suffering more than ever before amid the worsening conditions of exploitation and oppression brought about by foreign monopoly capitalism, domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. They have no choice but to wage revolutionary struggle more resolutely and more militantly for national freedom, democracy, social justice, genuine development and revolutionary solidarity with other peoples.

May the books launched today help to shed light on the road of revolution. I am confident that the current and future generations of Filipino revolutionaries will continue to advance the national democratic revolution to victory, and onward to socialism. Thank you. ###

 

 

     
     
     
     
     
     
     
           
     
     
     

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INTERVIEW WITH JOMA SISON ON TURNING 75,
PEACE AND DUTERTE AS PRESIDENT
Posted by: DAVAO TODAY
Posted date: February 08, 2014

http://davaotoday.com/main/2014/02/08/interview-with-joma-sison-on-turning-75-peace-and-duterte-as-president/

Turning 75 this February 8, Professor Jose Maria Sison, chief consultant of the National Democratic Front on the peace negotiations, answer questions from Davao Today on current issues ranging from peace talks to the possibility of Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte running as president.

DT: How does it feel to have lived three quarters of a century, especially with regard to how Philippine history has turned out since your move to re-establish the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) in 1968?

JMS: I feel happy for having lived long enough to see how the CPP has grown nationwide and struck deep roots among the toiling masses of workers and peasants. The CPP has 150,000 members. It leads the thousands of Red fighters in the New People’s Army and the millions of people in mass organizations. It is at the helm of the people’s democratic government in 115 guerrilla fronts which cover large portions of 71 provinces.

DT: Do you have a secret to longevity?

JMS: My key to longevity: Fighting spirit in the service of the people and a sense of humor to provide relief for the hard work.

DT: Speaking of longevity, how do you look at President Benigno Aquino III, can he survive all these controversies?

JMS: Definitely, the controversies have exposed the fact that Aquino is running a treasonous, exploitative, corrupt, cruel and mendacious regime. The propaganda that his regime is clean and honest and is good at delivering services is practically dead. Thus, the broad masses of the people and the patriotic and progressive forces are now trying to oust Aquino from power. They will become strong through the struggle, whether they succeed or not in overthrowing Aquino before the end of his term in 2016.

DT: On the peace talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), what is the impact of this Bangsamoro Framework Agreement, and how different is this with the Tripoli Agreement and the 1996 peace accord signed by the government and Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) Chair Nur Misuari? Follow up : What is your assessment of the Bansamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF)?

JMS: There are uncertainties surrounding the Bangsamoro Framework Agreement , the annexes and the Bangsamoro basic law. Constitutional issues will be raised in Congress and the Supreme Court against certain provisions. The MILF will have to consider how far it can submit itself to the state based in Manila and how other forces of the Bangsamoro like the MNLF and the BIFF will react. The BIFF is now trying to seize the political and military initiative in areas known to be MILF home ground.

The first provision of the Tripoli Agreement of 1976 stipulated that the Moro question was to be resolved within the framework of Philippine sovereignty and territorial integrity and the last provision stipulated that all agreements were subject to the constitutional processes of the Manila government. The MILF arose in opposition to such provisions. Now the BIFF is rebelling against the MILF for the same reasons that the MILF rebelled against the MNLF.

The MILF was previously critical of the 1996 peace accord between MNLF and the Manila government. Now, the MILF expresses the view that it can validate and take on board such accord in a new comprehensive peace agreement. But speaking on behalf of MNLF, Nur Misuari has denounced the Bangsamoro Framework Agreement as contrary to the peace accord of 1996.

DT: How attainable is peace? What are the prospects of GPH-NDF peace negotiations?

Peace is not attainable in the Bangsamoro areas so long as there is no satisfaction of the Moro people’s demand for respect of the right to self-determination, ancestral domain and their democratic aspirations and so long as the US and other foreign plunderers and the local big compradors and landlords continue to exploit and oppress the Moro people.

The Aquino regime and its US imperialist masters are extremely vicious against the revolutionary forces and people represented by the NDFP. They think that Oplan Bayanihan can destroy or cripple the revolutionary movement. The Aquino regime has attacked The Hague Joint Declaration as a document of perpetual division and the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) as inoperative and it has wantonly violated the Comprehensive Agreement of Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL). Since April 2013, it has publicly terminated the JASIG and the peace negotiations without giving the required notice of termination to the the NDFP.

The Aquino regime is responsible for blocking the peace negotiations. It has not shown any interest in its resumption. To keep alive the hope for peace negotiations, the NDFP has expressed its willingness to negotiate with the next regime.

DT: In relation to that, the CPP has declared that revolutionary forces are poised to leap to a higher level of struggle or what it terms as strategic stalemate. How viable is this call?

JMS: The call is viable. It is highly probable that within the next few years the CPP membership would rise from 150.000 to 250,000, the number of Red fighters of the New People’s Army from around 10,000 to 25,000, the guerrilla fronts from 120 to 200 and the mass movement and the people’s democratic government (local organs of political power) would involve many millions more of the people. The revolutionary forces and people of Mindanao are outstanding and are showing the way to grow in strength and to advance.

The worsening crisis of the world capitalist system and the domestic ruling system is favorable for the advance of the people’s war from strategic defensive to strategic stalemate.

DT: What’s your assessment of Davao City Mayor Duterte? Do you see him as a possible presidential candidate come 2016? Rights advocates, including agencies under the GPH tag him for the summary killings in Davao, what’s your take to that?

JMS: The local revolutionary forces in Davao City consider Mayor Duterte as someone they can negotiate with and make reasonable agreements with. Perhaps, if he becomes president, he can act like a statesman and negotiate with the NDFP. But will the big financiers and media lords allow him to win the presidential elections?

The Commission on Human Rights has repeatedly accused Duterte of violating human rights but refuses to take up Duterte’s challenge to put up or shut up. The same commission has never said anything critical of the gross and systematic violation of human rights by the Aquino regime and its military, police and paramilitary forces.

DT: What is your take regarding the rice smuggling issue?

JMS: Rice smuggling is the consequence of the trade liberalization policy and the undermining of local rice production since the time of Cory Aquino. Currently, relatives and friends of BS Aquino are the biggest rice smugglers. Aquino is a liar for misrepresenting the rise of rice smuggling as the rise of local rice production.

DT: In this day and age, how valid is the philosophy of Marx to academics, students and political analysts?

JMS: The teachings of Marx in philosophy as well as in political economy and social science remain valid today. They are shining now in opposition to the capitalist and imperialist system of exploitation, ever worsening crisis, state terrorism and war. There is renewed interest in the teachings of Marx among the academics, students and political analysts because such teachings expose the root causes of exploitation and oppression and show us the revolutionary way out.

DT: Looking at the present crop of Filipino activists and revolutionaries, how do they fare with the activists of the First Quarter Storm and the activists of the 1960s?

JMS: There are definitely more competent and militant Filipino activists and revolutionaries now because of the long series of mass struggles since 1960s. They should fare better than those of the 1960s and the First Quarter Storm of 1970. They can arouse, organize and mobilize far more people now. There should be more proletarian revolutionaries who study Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and are ready to participate in the people’s war.

DT: On lighter things, what are your favorite books and movies in the past ten years?

JMS: I have favored the books that show the recurrent and worsening crisis of monopoly capitalism and the resurgence of the people’s anti-imperialist and socialist movements. I have also favored the documentary and feature films films critical of neoliberal greed and imperialist wars.

DT: What would be your birthday wish?

JMS: To stay healthy and live longer in order to further serve the people.
 

 

     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
           
     
     
     

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NUPL Message on the 75th birthday of CPP Founding Chairman Jose Maria Sison

The National Union of People’s Lawyers (NUPL) is delighted and honored to express our warmest greetings to Prof. Jose Ma. Sison on the occasion of his 75th birthday as well as his 55th anniversary as a patriot and revolutionary.

Unknown to many, Ka Joma could have been a member of the Bar himself if only he followed his father’s wishes—to become a lawyer, marry into a rich family, and enter politics. With his intellect and eloquence, he could have made a top-calibre attorney whose skills can make other lawyers look like first year law students in the courtroom, or a politician with tremendous powers, like a Philippine president. His incomparable thoroughness, adroit language skills and comprehensive outlook, not to mention his admirable discipline at work, qualified him to be the best people’s lawyer we never had.

But Ka Joma was made for far greater and nobler things. What he could have contributed to the legal profession or the reactionary government, he dedicated to the revolutionary struggle of the Filipino people and the world.

In various capacities, among them, professor, poet and cadre, Ka Joma paved the foundations for the recommencement of the Philippine Revolution. Ka Joma has served as foremost theoretician and moral leader of the revolutionary movement whose political wisdom leaves not only eternal guidance to Filipino revolutionaries and nationalists, but a profound impact on the broad masses for generations.

As chief political consultant of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), he was practically the principal architect of – and solution finder in -- the bilateral agreements forged between the NDFP and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GPH) in the peace negotiations.

In advancing the struggle for national democracy and social liberation, Ka Joma’s sharp analysis of Philippine history and current events has evoked a full spectrum of myths and opinions about him ranging from notoriety to reverence, from fear to respect. The Philippine government and other states such as the US and members of the European Union tried many times—in vain—to vilify and make a criminal out of Ka Joma on false charges of common crimes and terrorism.

Through these legal persecutions, Ka Joma walked the tortuous road to justice with his lawyers, led by the late Atty. Romeo T. Capulong, NUPL founding chairman and chairman emeritus. Theirs was a comradeship built on common aspirations for democracy and liberation as well as shared ideals of a just and lasting peace and respect for human rights.

His lawyers saw in Ka Joma a brave client deserving of a brave lawyer, as the latter withstood incessant attacks and grave injustices against his person, even as he somehow derived pleasure in outwitting the enemy in its own game and rules. For a revolutionary like him, he was rather keenly interested in the legal niceties and nuances, verbose even, perhaps suggesting that the guerrilla is also like a lawyer.

Partly because of his juridical battles and partly because of the legal requisites in the negotiations and bilateral agreements in the peace talks, but also because he was regularly in the midst and company of people’s lawyers here and abroad, Ka Joma kept abreast of pertinent and useful juridical principles, concepts and jurisprudence. He could cite relevant cases like a learned jurist and drop juridical phrases and terms with aplomb. And he shared his invaluable insights on how juridical struggles must be grounded on social and political realities, always reminding his lawyers of their role in society and in delivering justice for the people.

Under his circumstances as a political refugee in exile where he sometimes yearn for mangoes, it is easy for one to get weary and fade silently into retirement. But not Ka Joma: by choosing to remain relevant and ever-present, he has demonstrated time and again his boundless revolutionary zeal.

These days, 75 years is a long life—a feat, some would say. But to have lived this life in the service of the Filipino people in their revolutionary struggle is the real coup. Such patriotism inspires us people’s lawyers to persevere in our commitment to uphold human rights and defend the cause of the poor, exploited and the oppressed.

And all these, and many more, are what makes Joma the people’s hero. The real people’s lawyer - in his own right - for all seasons.

We salute you, Atty. Joma!

Mabuhay ka, Panyero!

 

     
     
Launching of Books 2 and 3 of 5-Book Series
Amsterdam, Netherlands
February 9, 2013
     
           
     
     
     

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Joema on his 75th Birthday and 55 Years of Service!
Alan Jazmines
Consultant
NDFP National Democratic Front of the Philippines

February 08, 2014

I and other National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) peace consultants, and other political prisoners here at the Camp Bagong Diwa, join many others in militantly and heartily greeting Comrade Jose Maria “Joema” Sison on his 75th birthday this February 8, and most especially his 55 years of service to the people and the revolutionary movement.

For more than five decades now and running, he has contributed so much of value to the socio-economic, cultural, political and ideological education and struggle this far, not only of the revolutionary forces and people in this country, but also in the world.

His contributions have been and continue to be of great lead and help to a multitude of progressive and revolutionary forces.

They have,in particular, been of great lead and help to me and continue to do so.

In mid-1971, disgusted at finding out after a year of working with its management team, that the only company I had aspired to work for was supposed to serve as the country’s forerunner of national industrialization but had no true intent and no real basis for such, and that the ruling state and system all the more had no real interest in national industrialization, I decided to no longer work for the exploiters, and instead to give my everything, including my full-time to what would really serve for the upliftment of the lives and progress of the people.

I resigned and immediately turned to full- time, intensive research and social investigation by reading written works and interviewing people to rethink and determine where I should devote the whole of myself for the rest of my life.

I immediately concentrated on studying radical revolutionary writings on society in the Philippines and the world, including proposed solutions to the socio-economic-cultural-political problems of the people.

Among the writings I concentrated on and found most accurate and incisive in reflecting reality in the depiction of the country and people, and most insightful and profound in proposing solutions to the deep and long-standing problems of the people and society were Ka Joema’s Struggle for National Democracy and (under the pseudonym of “Amado Guerrero”) Philippine Society and Revolution, as well as the Communist Manifesto and various classical works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao Zedong, plus John Eaton’s Political Economy.

I particularly closely concentrated on Ka Joema’s works as I found them most immediately useful for the present situation and struggle of the Filipino people, while at the same time I also devoted much time on the voluminous classical writings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao and others who made profound analyses of the situation in their respective countries and in the world.

After attending various fora, study circles and going around, interviewing people who had something to do with various social movements in the country (including, activists and rallyists), I was fully convinced that the movement for national democracy is presently the most apt, given the present semicolonial and semifeudal conditions of Philippine society and the present stage of the socio-economic-cultural-political revolution that needs to be completed in the country —as I learned from Ka Joema’s writings. I thus decided to give my time and the full of my life to the present national democratic revolutionary struggle and its revolutionary socialist perspective.

It did not take long before I personally met Ka Joema. There were later times when Ka Joema and I would meet to talk about particular tasks I was then participating in.

I was, however, arrested (for the first time) in early 1974 and released after three years — after the Amnesty International exposed the crimes of torture committed by the Marcos martial law regime against us political prisoners, and we also wrote about and filed legal complaints about those crimes of torture.

By then, Ka Joema had been arrested (in November 1977) in La Union. He underwent brutalities and, throughout his martial law detention, was kept in an isolation cell in Fort Bonifacio and intensively subjected to cruel restrictions. He had to climb the walls of his isolation cell just to be able to talk with other political detainees also kept in neighboring isolation cells to the left and to the right of his own.

More importantly, even under very restrictive conditions of detention, Ka Joema — with the help and partnership of his wife, Ka Juliet, as his note-taker and co-author, continued to put out sharp ideological and political revolutionary writings, that have continued to be of great value and help to the national democratic revolutionary movement and the proletarian revolutionary party in its lead. Most incisive were his criticisms of some confused socio-economic analyses (including the exaggerated estimate of the level of urbanization and industrial development already reached in the country, as against the continuing and even worsening pre-industrial and semifeudal socio-economic state of the country) and, more importantly, his criticisms of some revisionist errors in revolutionary tactics prevailing then, including the premature “Strategic Counter-Offensive” and “Regularization of the New People’s Army”, given that the people’s war was then still at the early sub-stage of the strategic defensive. After his release from prison and initial peace talks were held between the NDFP and the Cory Aquino government, he criticized the NDFP’s handling then of the peace talks and wrote about how it should instead be handled. What he wrote about has been how it has been handled ever since he took over as the NDFP peace panel’s Chief Political Consultant.

The determined pursuit of the rectification campaign throughout the national democratic movement, actual realities and later developments and progress have been proving the correctness of the criticisms initiated by Ka Joema.

Soon after we were released from martial law imprisonment, together with some other leading ex-political prisoners, we held occasional meetings at Ka Joema’s residence in an apartment in La Loma, Quezon City.

In our several meetings there, one of those we agreed upon and worked on was the formation of the Partido ng Bayan (PnB), a precursor of the Makabayan Coalition and its progressive party-list organizations.

Ka Joema was the Chairperson of the PnB Preparatory Committee, but had earlier been committed to and had to leave for a long series of engagements abroad. Rolando “Ka Lando” Olalia,Chairperson of the Kilusang Mayo Uno, was then elected and took over to become the Founding Chairperson. I was then the Secretary-General.

PnB was fast organized nationwide and won some congressional and local seats in the ensuing elections. But all along and afterwards, it terribly suffered extra-judicial killings and other grave human rights violations, including the killing of Ka Lando and the killing and attempted killing of a big number of other PnB leaders, personnel and supporters.

The lives and security of other PnB leaders, personnel and supporters continued to be endangered, and even shifting mobile offices and quarters could no longer be safely maintained.

I had little choice but to go underground, often living with and kept secure by the worker and peasant masses.

In Ka Joema’s case, he was obliged to stay in exile abroad. But the reactionary state and successive reactionary regimes would not let him stay in peace even outside the country. His life and security remained constantly under threat.

The reactionary state has also delved into coming out with numerous concoctions of several criminal charges against Ka Joema. The Arroyo regime’s Inter-Agency Legal Action Group was specifically busy day-in and day-out manufacturing trumped-up criminal charges against Ka Joema and other leaders of the national democratic movement.

With the connivance between U.S. imperialism and successive kowtowing regimes in his home country, Ka Joema has been placed and continues to be maintained in the list of “terrorists” and thus made vulnerable to arrests and harassments.

In late August 2007, the U.S. and its puppet Arroyo regime went to the extent of conniving to make the Dutch police arrest and place him in solitary confinement. Ka Joema’s and the NDFP leadership’s and peace panel’s papers, computer disks and files were confiscated. As the Dutch court found no sufficient basis for his imprisonment, he was released after 16 days, and the files were also returned but important files were damaged.

Even in exile and subjected to threats and harassments, however, Ka Joema remains undeterred from continuing with his work and contributions to the people’s struggles and revolutionary movement in his home country and in the world. His comprehensive grasp of and insights into local and world situation and sharpness in thusly defining revolutionary strategy and tactics have not at all dulled but have even become more advanced and developed with age, the protracted struggle and rich summed-up experiences and revolutionary practice.

Aside from his continuing ideological and political leadership in the revolutionary movement in the homefront and his being chief political consultant of the NDFP and its peace panel, Ka Joema presently chairs the International League of People’s Struggles, an international organization with the objective of promoting peoples struggles and progressive organizations throughout the world.

He has also been very keen on the need to help strengthen fraternal relations among revolutionary parties and to help develop the international communist movement.

All these continuing efforts and work of Ka Joema are evident that prison and exile—itself an extension of prison—are still not enough to shackle revolutionaries like Ka Joema.

His efforts,keenness, work and achievements continue to guide and inspire us, political prisoners. with revolutionary and pro-people aspirations, and a great many more in the revolutionary movement outside of prison.

 

     
 
     
     
           
     
     
     
     
 
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REMARKS AT NETHERLANDS LAUNCH
OF BUILDING STRENGTH THROUGH STRUGGLE
By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Author
At the Mirror Centre, Amsterdam, 9 February 2014

Dear comrades, friends and compatriot,

First of all, I thank the organizers and all of you for coming. I am overwhelmed and humbled by this celebration. I came to this event, thinking that I would sit back and enjoy myself most of the time. But Julie has made a proposal to further activate me in connection with the revitalization and expansion of the work of the Center for Social Studies. I am thus reminded that there is no sitting back and no retirement for revolutionaries.

I am happy that Building Strength through Struggle, the third book in the series of five books titled Continuing the Philippine Revolution, is now being launched in The Netherlands in conjunction with the celebration of my 55 years of service to the revolutionary cause of the Filipino people as well as my 75 years of existence outside of the womb.


This book extends, reinforces and further develops the principles, policies and major lines of action for carrying out the people’s democratic revolution, as put forward by the earlier two books in the series, Foundation for Resuming the Philippine Revolution and Defeating Revisionism, Reformism and Opportunism. It includes the major documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) which I drafted and the major articles that I wrote under the nom de guerre Amado Guerrero, from the formal declaration of martial law on September 21, 1972 to my capture on November 10, 1977.

The book is indispensable to understanding why and how under the leadership of the CPP the Filipino people and their revolutionary forces successfully fought and defeated the US-instigated fascist dictatorship of Marcos. The dictatorship was designed to destroy the revolutionary movement but instead served to incite the people to rise up further against the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system. Let me cite the major contents of the books to show how the CPP guided the revolution.

When Marcos imposed fascist dictatorship on the people and outlawed all types of legal opposition, the CPP was already ideologically, politically and organizationally prepared to lead the people in the revolutionary struggle for national liberation and democracy. Soon after the declaration of martial law, the Party issued the comprehensive statement, “Overthrow the US-Marcos Dictatorship to Achieve National Freedom and Democracy.” It condemned the dictatorship as an ultra-reactionary instrument of US imperialism and the local exploiting classes and called for its overthrow through the people’s war. It described the fundamental and fatal weaknesses of the fascist state and the conditions for its eventual downfall notwithstanding its appearance of overwhelming power and invincibility.

Basing itself on the nationwide spread of the Party, the New People’s Army, the underground mass organizations and the local organs of political power, the Party issued the “Guide for Establishing the People’s Democratic Government” to lay down the principles, policies and methods for building the revolutionary government in the countryside in order to replace the counterrevolutionary state of the big compradors and landlords based in the urban areas. It was in the period of 1972 to 1977 that the revolutionary forces struck deep roots among the people, especially among the toiling masses, on a national scale.

The Party issued “Specific Characteristics of Our People’s War in the Philippines” on the basis of the rich experience already accumulated by the New People’s Army from 1969 to 1975. This historic document creatively applies Chairman Mao Zedong’s principles, strategy and tactics of people’s war to concrete Philippine conditions by taking into account the relatively wide countryside and the archipelagic and mountainous character of the country as well as the domestic and international situation. The comprehensive and profound formulation of the strategy and tactics has guided the New People’s Army and the revolutionary movement in growing in number and all-round strength and frustrating the enemy campaigns to destroy the armed revolution.

The Party issued “Our Urgent Tasks” to sharpen the general political line as one of combating fascism, feudalism and imperialism and called on the revolutionary forces to carry out the urgent tasks and the proper methods and steps in building the local organs of political power and the mass organizations of various types and waging the mass campaigns for land reform and other social purposes Since then, the mass base of the armed revolution has been growing wave upon wave. The requisite of mass work has ensured the mass base for carrying out a protracted people’s war.

The “10-Point Program of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP)” was first outlined in 1973. It was eventually elaborated upon in 1977, spelling out in major detail the method for overthrowing the Marcos autocracy. It shows how the national and democratic rights and interests of the toiling masses of workers and peasants and the urban petty bourgeoisie can be realized and harmonized and how the united front of the basic revolutionary forces must be built. The NDFP has been consolidated thereby as a united front of the basic revolutionary forces serving as a reliable base for engaging in broader alliances in order to isolate and destroy the enemy at every given time.

The decisions taken by the CPP Central Committee were resolutely and militantly implemented by the Party rank and file, the New People’s Army and the masses. The ground for fighting and defeating the Marcos fascist dictatorship was well laid on a national scale from 1972 to 1977. Thus, even after I was captured by the enemy on November 10, 1977, I continued to be confident that the Filipino people and their revolutionary cause would prevail over the enemy.

It is necessary to read and study all the contents of Building Strength through Struggle in order to understand why and how the people’s democratic revolution had led to the overthrow of the Marcos fascist dictatorship, how it has continued to fight and win victories against the pseudo-democratic regimes, how it has frustrated subjectivist and opportunist trends and how it has excelled as a torch bearer of armed revolution led by the proletariat amidst the dominance of neocolonialism in the underdeveloped countries, the full restoration of capitalism in former revisionist-ruled countries and the neoliberal plunder and aggression of the imperialist powers worldwide.

The CPP, NPA , NDFP and the people’s democratic revolution in the Philippines enjoy the respect, appreciation and support of the world anti-imperialist movement and the international communist movement. This book Building Strength through Struggle illumines the path to understanding the fact. Thank you. ###

 

     
     
     
     
     
           
     
     
     

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ON KA JOMA
By LUIS G. JALANDONI
Chief International Representative, NDFP
Chairperson, NDFP Negotiating Panel

We are celebrating Ka Joma’s 55 years of service to the Filipino people together with his 75th birthday. He studied the revolutionary experience of the Filipino people against colonialism and imperialism and understood the revolutionary ideas of the working class as the guide to continuing and accomplishing the Philippine revolution. He became active in the people’s movement for national liberation and democracy in the late 1950s.

He organized in 1959 the SCAUP, a patriotic and progressive organization of students in the University of the Philippines. Then in 1961, he led the mass occupation of the lower house of Congress to protest the anti-communist sessions. In most of the 1960s he devoted himself to educational and organizational work among the youth, workers and peasants. In 1964 he organized the Kabataang Makabayan, KM – Patriotic Youth, of which he was the founding Chairman. He held leading positions in the Lapiang Manggagawa (lated named Socialist Party) and in the united front formation, Movement for the Advance of Nationalism.

Together with 12 young revolutionary colleagues, he founded the Communist Party of the Philippines on December 26, 1968 under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. A few years earlier in 1967 he led the First Great Rectification Movement by breaking off from the Old Communist Party, exposing its revisionism and opportunism. He led the formation of the New People’s Army on March 29, 1969, with only 9 automatic rifles and 26 inferior firearms against the US-backed Marcos regime. He co-founded the National Democratic Front of the Philippines in 1973.

Ka Joma’s daring, vision and trust in the masses have borne rich fruit. Despite massive attacks by the US-Marcos regime and succeeding reactionary governments, the CPP has grown to 150,000 party members throughout the country. The New People’s Army operates in more than 110 guerrilla fronts in 71 out of a total 81 provinces. Organs of democratic power, alternative people’s governments, based on revolutionary mass organizations of workers, peasants, women, youth, children and cultural activists, carry out land reform, health and education, and cultural programs. They organize people’s militias and self-defense units of people’s organizations which assist the people’s army.

Even under prolonged torture, isolation and imprisonment by the US-Marcos dictatorship, from November 1977 to March 1986, he continued to inspire the revolutionary masses. Posters such as “You can imprison a revolutionary, but not the Revolution.” sprouted with his image. He wrote poems and articles while in prison.

After his release from prison, during a world lecture tour in 1987, the Corazon Aquino regime cancelled his passport to pressure him to return to the Philippines. He decided to apply for political asylum in The Netherlands. Despite two decisions of the highest administrative court, the Raad van State, officially recognizing him as a political refugee, the Dutch government has refused to grant him residence.

In 1992, he played a key role in the CPP’s launching of the Second Great Rectification Movement. This was an educational movement to identify, repudiate and rectify major ideological, political and organizational errors of a group of renegades within the party leadership which had caused major losses. Again, with characteristic daring he exposed the main perpetrators, beaming the light on them while they made their attacks from the darkness. This rectification movement was embraced by the overwhelming majority of the members of the Party, the people’s army and the revolutionary masses. It has resulted in the reinvigoration of the revolutionary movement, with the recovery of lost mass base, and its further expansion and consolidation.

While abroad, Ka Joma has been participating in conferences, seminars and other activities of revolutionary parties, organizations and mass movements in order to promote and develop the solidarity of the Filipino people with the people of the world.

In 1999, he led the Initiative Committee that prepared the founding of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS) in 2001. He is now the Chairperson of the ILPS, which has held four International Assemblies and has more than 300 member organizations in more than 40 countries. The ILPS is now a major force in the anti-imperialist and democratic movement of the people of the world.

Upon being put on the terrorist list in 2002 by the US, the Council of the European Union and other foreign governments, Ka Joma initiated a legal battle to get his name off the EU terrorist list. With the help of outstanding lawyers, led by Jan Fermon of Belgium, and assisted by other lawyers from the Philippines, Germany, France and The Netherlands, he won the seven year legal battle. In December 2009, the Council of the EU, upon orders of the European Court of Justice, took his name off the EU terrorist list.

In 2007, he again fought a successful legal battle against trumped up charges of murder filed by the Arroyo regime in the Philippines in collusion with the US and Dutch governments. Imprisoned in isolation in The Hague for 17 days, his brilliant lawyer, Michiel Pestman of Amsterdam, ably assisted by Romeo T. Capulong of the Public Interest Law Center, won the case after a year and a half.

An indefatigable fighter, he continues to fight for his rights. A week ago, the Raad van State issued a negative decision, denying his right to residence and a passport. He and his lawyers insist that a European law of 2004 entitles him, as a recognized political refugee, to residence and a passport. He and his lawyers are considering further legal steps to assert his rights.

Despite all the harassments, he continues to be politically active. Through so many years, Ka Joma has guided the NDFP Negotiating Panel in the peace negotiations with the Government of the Republic of the Philippines. He has played a key role in the forging of such peace agreements as The Hague Joint Declaration of 1992, the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG, 1995), the Reciprocal Working Committees agreement (1995) and its supplement (1997), and the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL, 1998). He has also been the moving force in the CPP and NDFP Declaration of Adherence to the Geneva Conventions and Protocol I of 1996. In the twists and turns of the peace negotiations with the reactionary Philippine government, he has upheld the equal footing of the NDFP and the independence and revolutionary integrity of the people’s democratic government.

Ka Joma, as we all know, is also a writer and poet. The documents he authored, the poems and songs he wrote, the revolutionary struggle he launched, and his sense of humor, these are part of his revolutionary legacy to the Filipino people. Mabuhay si Ka Joma, his daring and vision, and his trust in and reliance on the masses. #

Luis Jalandoni

9 February 2014

 

     
     
     
     
     
           
     
 
     
     

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Thomas van Beersum giving his reaction to Prof. Jose Maria Sison´s latest book Building Strength Through Struggle at the Mirror Centre in Amsterdam, Netherlands on 9 Feb. 2014
 

MY BOOK REVIEW OF “BUILDING STRENGTH THROUGH STRUGGLE” @ JMS 55/75

Magandang hapon, mga kasama!

Thanks to the organizers for inviting me. I’m here to give a reaction about Joma’s new book “Building Strength Through Struggle”. The book has already been introduced so I’ll just dive in to talk about the most important parts and give some comments.

The book offers important information about the nature of the fascist dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, and gives profound insights on his schemes before and during martial law. Especially how he, with active support from US Imperialism, under the guise of building a “new society” set up an autocratic regime where he held absolute power and authority. Imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism were the three basic problems in the Philippines at the time, and they continue to be so.

It is both important and necessary to study and analyze the Marcos era in order to investigate the practical similarities and differences between the Marcos regime and the tyrannical US-backed Aquino regime, which through the counterinsurgency program Oplan Bayanihan conducts state terror against its population and indiscriminately kills, tortures, rapes, and massacres with impunity in order for foreign capital to plunder and pillage the Philippines. Can we really say that after Marcos the Philippines became a free country? Or are the same foreign and local ruling elites still in power?

Another important part of the book reaffirms the Maoist principle that principled unity can only be created through struggle and by “dividing one into two”. This part contains the staunch critiques against revisionism, adventurism, and pluralism, which are still major dangers in the International Communist Movement today. These critiques were widely used to counter the subjectivist and opportunist trends in the 1980s. Many of these reactionaries created their own groups which either immediately collapsed, or now act as armed thugs for criminal syndicates, private capitalists, or as the backbone of Aquino’s own criminal administration.

The need for a Protracted People’s War is also accurately explained and defended in the book. It is the answer to solve the fundamental question and strategic goal of the revolution, which is to capture state power. Protracted People’s War allows the people’s forces to grow from small to big and from weak to strong and gradually builds power by establishing parallel structures of government in the countryside which pave the way for the establishment of a people’s democratic republic.

Revolutionary violence can not be equated with reactionary violence by the state forces. To do so is to legitimize the status quo. Revolutionary armed struggle is counter violence. Unlike reactionary violence, it is not violence which maintains or is brought out by the most brutal manifestations of exploitative and oppressive conditions. It is violence to end it.

Armed struggle is the principle form of struggle, but it goes hand in hand with the mass movement which arouses, organizes and mobilizes the broad sections of the people to actively support and participate in the revolution. Without them, the people’s war cannot survive.

To conclude, the documents in this book are a must-read for revolutionaries not just in the Philippines, but in all countries. Its lessons and the practical application it brought out is not only a source of inspiration. It should also be studied in our own respective countries, to see what we can learn from it for our own revolutionary praxis. I would like to thank the organizers for organizing this important event and I would like to specifically thank Jose Maria Sison for his 55 years of service to the Filipino people’s struggle for national and social liberation.

Ang bayani ay naglilingkod sa bayan hanggang sa kanyang huling hininga! Mabuhay!

 

     
     
     
           
     
     
     

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Play video of Joma:55/75
 


Sine Proletaryo presents “JOMA: 55/75?, a 21-minute video which provides a broad overview of the 55 years of revolutionary service of Jose Ma. Sison, founding chair of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), on the occasion of his 75th birthday on February 8, 2014. The video features underground youth and workers activists, NPA Red fighters, leaders of the CPP and NDF, NDF peace consultants and advocates of anti-imperialism whose insights provide a glimpse of the profound significance of Ka Joma’s life of service to the Filipino proletariat and international communist movement.

The video features the song “Malipayong Adlaw”, a song by Agaw Armas, a revolutionary cultural group from the Southern Mindanao Region, typically sang by Red fighters to greet the morning of a comrade’s birthday to further boost their revolutionary spirit.

 

           
     
     
     

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Play vide: Ka Oris greets Ka Joma
 

Ka Oris’ Video Testimonial for Ka Joma’s 75th birthday and 55 years of revolutionary service to the Filipino People and the proletariat of the world.
Mindanao, Philippines 24 January 2014

     
           
     
     
     

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Play video: Ka Maria Malaya for Ka Joma
 

Mensahe sa ika-75 na kaarawan ni Ka Joma at sa 55 na taon ng kanyang pagrerebolusyon
ni
Maria Malaya
Tagapagsalita
National Democratic Front — Northeast Mindanao Region

Published on Feb 9, 2014

Comrade Maria Malaya, NDFP spokesperson for Northeastern Mindanao, extends her warm greetings to Prof. Jose Maria Sison’s 75th birthday.

In her recollection, she stressed how the Philippine Society and Revolution book, written by Amado Guerrero (Prof. Jose Maria Sison), helped her in combating counter-revolutionary ideas spearheaded by adventurist and opportunist elements during the pre-Second Great Rectification Movement period.

 



Play video: Pulang Saludo

     
     
           
   

At 75, celebrating 55 years of revolutionary service
Maligayang Kaarawan, Ka Joma!
 
   
   
   
           
           
           

 

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