Militant Protest Rallies

Cap the 2014 UP Commencement Exercises
Mabuhay ang mg Iskolar ng Bayan!

 

UP Diliman     ■  UP Manila     ■ UP Los Baños    ■ UP MIndanao  UP Cebu

 

Posted  April 29, 2014

/p

 

 

     
   
 
/p

/p

Photos by Paul Carson, Jhonny de la Cruz, Vlad Gonzales, Anthony Montecilio,
Carl Marc Ramota, Sarah Raymundo, Judy Taguiwalo and Edge Uyanguren
 
           
     
     
     

.


UNDELIVERED SPEECH AT THE UP DILIMAN COMMENCEMENT EXERCISES
APRIL 27, 2014


First of all, in behalf of all students, I would like to congratulate everyone for finally succeeding to graduate from the our university, from the university of the people.

Today may signify the end of our journey inside the four walls of this academic institution and the commencement of a new one. But even as we graduate today, we do not shed our identity as students for tomorrow, we shall continue to be eternal students – students of the Philippine society where our teachers are the basic masses and the exams are forwarding the struggles of the oppressed sectors.

The worsening political conditions shall only intensify the struggle of the suffering Filipino people. Neoliberal education policies like the sham internalization scheme of the academic calendar shift further takes tertiary education away from the Filipino youth. The deregulation law of the inutile government continues to encourage further skyrocketting of prices for bigger profit of the elite while driving the Filipino masses into further poverty. Militarization and human rights violations continue to intensify in the regions as exemplified by the displacement of the Talaingod Manobos in Southern Mindanao and the capture of the Tiamzons in Eastern Visayas. The intervention of the imperialist United States in Philippine affairs will continue to intensify as signified by the upcoming visit of US President Barack Obama.

And because of these, we are all called upon to continue reliving the patriotic spirit of the youth who came before us. From Bonifacio of the Spanish era to the Kabataang Makabayan of the 1960’s, the youth has been called upon to be the primary driving force for genuine social change along with the basic sectors of the society. Remember that even if we graduate, we are not exempted from the oppression of society. Ask yourselves, how much will you get from an entry level job? That’s a basic example of repression among workers. After today, batchmates, most of us are officially unemployed!

Fellow graduates, Filipino masses have been waiting for us long enough. The challenge upon us is to heed the call of our time. In everything that you do, I challenge you to ask yourself, Para kanino? Para saan?

We are not scholars for our own selves! Paglingkuran ang sambayanan! Isabuhay ang diwa ng tunay, palaban, at Kabataang Makabayan!

 

     
           
     
 
     
     

.

MESSAGE TO THE GRADUATES

We, the members of Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, express our highest congratulatory praise to all the iskolar ng bayan graduates of University of the Philippines Diliman 2014! In spite of the gloomy prospect painted by our politicians that the fresh 700,000 graduates will add to the current 2.96 million jobless workers, we, your teachers, still nourish the unflinching hope that you will become part of the historic movement to transform our nation. Some of you had been part of our classes. Some of you even stood side-by-side with us in countless rallies, demonstrations, and pickets. Together we joined hands to create a better future, not only for our beloved University but for our nation. In such a short time of four years, we and the University have tried to radicalize your consciousness to enable you to imagine an alternative future, a better University that you will bequeath to the next generation of iskolar ng bayan.

During your stay in this University, you have witnessed how the corporatization of education had crept into the veins of the University. You had been witnesses to the unrelenting annual excising of our budget by the Aquino government, the renaming of our buildings and programs to private donors with tarnished reputations, increase in laboratory and other miscellaneous fees, the commercialization of our idle assets, repressive policies that made the lives of poor iskolar ng bayan miserably unbearable, and you had been witnesses to the death of your own iskolar ng bayan from UP Manila, and the recent unwarranted policy of shifting our academic calendar in the name of neoliberal internationalization of education.

As you transfer your sablay, the symbol of Filipino nationalism, from the right to the left shoulder – symbolizing the official completion to the life of a UP student, we urge you not to forget those iskolar ng bayan who will be left behind, those who had given up and those who had been eliminated from the survival of the fittest competition, and those who had endured the grinding labor of surviving the life in the University. If there is a lesson that UP education is supposed to have imparted on you, it is the conviction that your salvation must also depend on other’s salvation. The University is the bastion of collective solidarity. While it taught you to cherish individual creativity, honor and excellence, it has also moulded you to value collective action to solve our nation’s problems. You have been trained not only to become leaders with integrity, but more importantly, to become “social critics and agents of social change”.

As iskolar ng bayan, you have a contract with the Filipino people to become leaders who will unhesitantly make sacrifices to advance the struggle of our people towards a better future. As future leaders, our beloved University had taught you to be fearless in denouncing corrupt politicians and institutions, to be sensitive to the sufferings of our people, to think beyond your career and personal comfort, to be intolerant of any injustice perpetrated here in our country and beyond, compassionate and always willing to make sacrifices to help our most needy fellow Filipinos in times of colossal disasters.

We urge you to continue the struggle against a kind of education that puts premium on capacity of students to pay and squeezes every ounce of profit from the students, an education that puts the interests of foreign corporations and investors before our fellow Filipinos, an education that sells our sovereignty to highest foreign bidders, an education that promotes brain drain and “easy success”, and an education that teaches students to betray their integrity in the name of comfortable and sumptuous life.

We, urge you not to take the easy road to success being offered by the “profit-first-before-people” culture,” but instead, persevere in journeying further into the difficult path of serving the people! We, your teachers, place our hope in a better future in your collective struggle.

Long live the iskolar ng bayan!
Serve the people!
Onwards to the struggle for a free education for all!

 

     
     
           
     
     
     
     
 
==          
     
     
           
           

.
 

THE NEED FOR A CULTURAL REVOLUTION[1]

 

To have a scientific view of culture as we should, we need to understand first of all that culture is a superstructure that rests upon a material basis.

 

The ideas, institutions and all cultural patterns are dependent on the material mode of existence of a society. These change as all societies are subject to change. There is no permanent society or culture.

 

The cultural balance, pattern or synthesis that exists in a society at a given historical stage is nothing but the unity of opposites—the unity of opposite cultural forces. This unity is always a temporary balance subject to the dynamism of opposites. The progressive force always outgrows and breaks the old framework which the reactionary force always tries to preserve.

 

Just as revolution is inevitable in politico-economic relations, revolution is inevitable in culture. A cultural revolution, as a matter of fact, is a necessary aspect of the politico-economic revolution.

 

In the history of mankind, it can easily be seen that even before the full development of the politico-economic power of an ascendant social class, a cultural revolution provides it with the thoughts and motives that serve as the effective guide to action and further action. A ruling class achieves what we call its class consciousness before it actually establishes its own state power and replaces the old state power and its vestiges.

 

Long before the liberal revolution of Europe dealt the most effective political blows against feudal power in the 17th and 18th centuries, a cultural revolution took shape in the Renaissance which asserted secular thinking and freedom of thought. The men of the Renaissance questioned the clerical hegemony over culture and learning and they clarified the ideals and values that were still to become truly dominant later when the unity of church and state was to be broken and replaced by the modern bourgeois state. The successful revolution of the bourgeoisie in the West was prepared and guided by a cultural revolution.

 

In our country, there had to be a propaganda movement—the assertion of new ideas and values—before there developed the actual beginnings of the Philippine Revolution that fell under the class leadership of the ilustrados or the liberal bourgeoisie that surrounded Aguinaldo.

 

In this Propaganda Movement, Dr. Jose Rizal made patriotic annotations on Morga’s Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas with a view of demonstrating that before the coming of Spanish colonialism there was an indigenous culture that the indios could be proud of. This was clearly an anti-colonial attempt not only to show up the racial arrogance of those who belittled our people but also to develop an awareness of a national culture.

 

Not to be carried away by chauvinism, Dr. Jose Rizal further presented the crisis of colonial culture in the Philippines and the prospects of a national culture in terms of the liberal ideas and values of Europe which he believed could be applied in the concrete experience of his people, inasmuch as there was already the emergence of the ilustrados like Crisostomo Ibarra and businessmen like Capitan Tiago.

 

Rizal’s two novels, Noli and Fili, and his essays, “The Indolence of the Filipinos” and “The Philippines A Century Hence,” were written in furtherance of a national-democratic cultural revolution. It was a revolution in the sense that it contraposed national culture to the colonial culture of which the friars were the chief defenders.

 

It was in this same spirit that the participants of the Propaganda Movement wrote as Marcelo H. del Pilar did, orated as Graciano Lopez Jaena did and painted as Juan Luna did. All of them exposed the exploitation and brutalization of our people, thus paving the way for the clear call for separation from Spain by the Katipunan.

 

The Katipunan, which was a vigorously separatist movement and which served as the nucleus of a new national political community, carried forward into revolutionary action the aspiration for a national-democratic culture, integrating democratic concepts with the indigenous conditions. From Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Jacinto to Apolinario Mabini and Antonio Luna, the fire of cultural revolution rose higher and higher and shone with the political ideas that guided the Philippine Revolution of 1896.

 

What came to be considered our national culture in the beginning was the integration of modern political ideas and indigenous conditions. The emergence of that national culture was essentially a political phenomenon; a national culture arose in direct and necessary opposition to the colonial and clerical culture which exploited and brutalized our people. An awareness of national culture spread among the Filipino people as fast as national sentiment and consciousness spread among them. The political awareness of a national community reintegrated the cultural patterns in the provinces, surpassing both the magical barangay culture of pre-Hispanic times and the feudal Christian culture under Spanish domination. The desire for a modern national-democratic society outmoded the feudal society developed by the conquistadores from the primitive rule of the rajahs and the datus who submitted themselves as local puppets of the foreign dispensation.

 

Our people’s aspirations for national democracy and for a modern culture of the same cast were, unfortunately, frustrated by the coming of U.S. imperialism. Taking advantage of the naivete and compromising character of our ilustrado or liberal bourgeois leaders, the U.S. imperialists easily insinuated themselves into our country by pretending to give aid to our efforts to free our motherland. After all, did not the patriots of the Propaganda Movement praise so much the ideas of Jefferson, the American Declaration of Independence and the American struggle against British colonialism?

Alas, little was it realized that the American revolution, which we still remember today for its national-democratic ideals, had taken the path of monopoly-capitalist development and had become an imperialist power greedy for colonies in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Though it shouted loud its slogans of bringing democracy and Christianity to the Philippines, as required by a supposed divine mandate received by President McKinley in his dream, it came to suppress the First Philippine Republic and the Malolos Constitution which embodied our people’s national-democratic aspirations.

 

As efficiently as the Spaniards were in suppressing the rich cultural achievements of our ancestors, the U.S. imperialists went about their work of brutally suppressing any manifestation of patriotism by the Filipino people. Today, despite the current horror of the U.S. imperialist war of aggression in Vietnam, many still have the illusion that the U.S. imperialists are smart, subtle and smooth operators. But what is more cruel and crude than the murder of more than 250,000 Filipinos to achieve U.S. imperialist conquest of the Philippines, as was done in the Filipino-American War of 1899-1902?

 

What is more crude and inconsiderate than the all-out imperialist attempt during the first decade of this country to censor and suppress newspapers, drama, poetry, and other cultural efforts which manifested Filipino patriotism and national-democratic aspirations? The mere display of the Philippine flag was enough ground for a Filipino to be punished for sedition.

 

Until today, many of our youth and elders are deprived of the memory of the national-democratic struggle of our people. They have been made to forget. How is this possible even if there seems to be no more open coercion to prevent us from reviewing our national history?

 

The history of mankind shows that state power and any appearance of stability in any class society are sustained by the force of arms and other coercive means. However, in so far as forgetting one’s history is concerned, control of the means of cultural development is necessary to get such a result. A state, such as one that is imperialist, does not only have the instruments for coercion but also the instruments for suasion.

 

The first decisive step taken by the U.S. government in order to develop its cultural and educational control over the Philippines was to impose the English language as the medium of instruction and as the official language. On the national scale, a foreign language became the first language in government and business. English merely replaced Spanish as the vehicle of the foreign power dominating us.

 

A foreign language may widen our cultural horizons, opening our eyes to those parts of the world expressed by that language. But if such a foreign language is forced on our people as has been the case with Spanish and English consecutively, it undermines and destroys the sense of national and social purpose that should be inculcated in our youth and in those who are supposed to be educated. Within our nation this foreign language divides the educated and the wealthy from the masses. It is not only a measure of class discrimination but also one of national subjugation. It means a cultural constriction represented a long time ago by a Dona Victorina.

 

The two most significant results of the adoption of English as the first language in the practice of the educated are: first, learning and the professions are alienated from the masses and only serve the ruling class in the incessant class struggle; and second, the Filipino people are actually cut off from other peoples of the world and become victimized by imperialist propaganda.

 

Some persons might argue that the U.S. government had really intended to spread English among the masses by establishing the public school system. They might, with extreme nostalgia, recall the coming of the Thomasites and what had developed from their work; they might recall how American teachers taught their language better than many Filipino English teachers do today. Foolishly, they are liable to find justification in this for the Peace Corps and other cultural devices meant to perpetuate U.S. imperialist cultural influence among the people.

 

Those favoring the dominance of the imperialist culture at the expense of our developing national culture are treading treasonous grounds. It is already well exposed by history that the public school system has served essentially as a brainwashing machine for cleansing the people’s minds of their national-democratic aspirations.

 

The colonially-tutored children came to know more about Washington and Lincoln than about Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Jacinto. The national-democratic concepts of our national heroes were forgotten and only innocuous anecdotes were told about them. U.S. imperialism became in their eyes the liberator and not the oppressor of the people in fact.

 

U.S. imperialism has found more use in our learning of English than we would have found for ourselves if we developed our own national language. We have about three generations of Filipinos spewed by the imperialist brainwashing machine. The general run of these Filipinos have an intellectual orientation, habits, and consumption attitudes subordinated to the so-called American way of life.

 

In self-criticism, let us accept how much so many of us have become acculturized to U.S. imperialism. To propose that we embark on a genuine program of national industrialization and agrarian revolution is to become extremely “subversive.” We are eyed with suspicion by some just because we had dared to challenge the colonial character of the economy and, therefore, of the prevailing politics.

 

We must propose the Filipinization of schools, the press, radio and other media which are decisive in the conditioning of minds. Because in the hands of foreigners, these constitute direct foreign political power and intervention in our national affairs. These media of education and information immediately direct public opinion and, as it has been since the coming of U.S. imperialism, they have served to keep permanent our cultural as well as our political bondage.

The cultural aggression of U.S. imperialism in our country continues unabated. It takes various forms.

 

The U.S. Agency for International Development has a decisive say on educational policies at the highest governmental level. Textbook production and procurement are directed by it in the Department of Education. Multifarious projects designed to execute directly U.S. foreign cultural policy are actually supported by the counterpart peso fund which we provide. To a great extent, the Philippine government is actually subsidizing USIS and other forms of “clasped hand” propaganda.

 

In a strategic place like the University of the Philippines, General Carlos P. Romulo continues to open the door to foreign grants from such foundations as Rockefeller Foundation and Ford Foundation. He has sought loans from foreign financing institutions like the World Bank for the purpose of his so-called five-year development program. The naive teacher, student and administrator in my Alma Mater might think that Romulo is doing a fine job for us. But actually, he is doing a fine job for the cause of cultural imperialism which is in the service of U.S. monopoly-capitalism.

 

We have to examine closely the present proliferation of institutes and research projects in the U.P. which are meant only to accommodate the cultural agents of the U.S. government, both American and Filipino. We have to examine how much U.S. imperialist advice and actual direction has affected and will affect the curricula and materials for study. We have to examine closely what is the whole idea behind the $6 million World Bank loan to the UP. How, for instance, is this related to present plans and operations of Esso fertilizer, International Harvester, United Fruit and others? We should inquire more critically into the increasing physical presence of U.S. imperialist personnel in UP. The U.S. government plans every step it takes in consideration of the monopoly interests it must represent in its foreign policy. Unlike the Philippine government, the U.S. government takes its action in the cultural field on the basis of national interests.

 

The pensionado mentality among our brighter students, teachers and professors have become so instilled that to promote their career it is a “must” for them to take one American scholarship grant or another. We must be critical of their mentality and we must pursue a new cultural revolution that should put in order the values of those who have fallen prey to this mentality. They go to the United States only to learn concepts and cases that do not apply on the concrete experience of our people. Their thinking is completely alienated from the masses and at most they become self-seeking careerists.

 

There is a worse kind of Filipino professional than the one who finally returns to this country. He is either a doctor, a nurse or some other professional who prefers to stay in the United States as a permanent resident or who tries to become an American citizen. This type of fellow is a subtle betrayer of his country and, in the most extreme cases, a loud-mouthed vilifier of the Filipino people. He goes to the foreign land for higher pay and that is all he is interested in. He does not realize how much social investment has been put into his public schooling from the elementary level and up, and he refuses to serve the people whose taxes have paid for his education. We criticize him but we must as well condemn the government that allows him to desert and that fails to inspire him to work for the people.

 

While there is an apparent exodus of our bright young men and women to the United States and other lands under the direction of the U.S., the U.S. government ironically sends the Peace Corps and encourages all sorts of projects (many of which are CIA-directed) intending to send young American men and women abroad. Whereas these young Americans are going to our countryside guided by the foreign policy of their government, our bright young men and women are abandoning the countryside to crowd each other out in the city or to take flight entirely from their country.

 

We refer to the Peace Corps here as a challenge to our youth. These agents of a foreign government are here to perpetuate their government’s long-standing policies and cultural influence. They are agents of renewed U.S. imperialist efforts to aggravate their cultural control; thus, they are described as the new Thomasites.

 

The presence of U.S. imperialist agents of one sort or another in our countryside poses a threat to the development of a national-democratic movement among us. Beyond their role of showing pictures of New York and Washington to impressionable children is the counterinsurgency rationale behind their organization.

 

While these sweet boys and girls in the Peace Corps are now immediately creating goodwill (which is a euphemism for political influence) and performing intelligence functions, these same sweet boys and girls can always come back with new orders from their government. This counterinsurgency aspect and psy-war and intelligence value of the Peace Corps are what make it subversive to the interest of a national-democratic movement.

 

The Filipino youth should go to the countryside to learn from the people and to arouse them for the national-democratic revolution. #

 


 


[1] Speech delivered by Jose Maria Sison at the UP Baguio College, Baguio City, on September 30, 1966; sponsored by the UP Baguio Student Council.

     
     
     
     
     


Note from UP Prof. Sarah Raymundo:
To the brave graduates of the "Virata School of Business" who defied the renaming of the College of Business Administration by holding up the Iskolar ng Bayan's Final Stand: We are CBA, thank you for reminding us that we must continue the fight! Di namin kayo bibiguin. Mabuhay kayo!

College of Social Work and Community Development
     
     
     
     
UP Manila
     
     
     
           
     
     
           
College of Arts and Letters
           


Higit sa lahat, alalahanin natin sila sa pagtatapos na ito. Alalahanin natin ang mga
kapwa iskolar ng bayan na hindi masasaksihan ang paglipat ng sablay, alalahanin natin si
Kristel Tejada at ang iba pang estudyanteng nagtulak sa kanilang pagpapakamatay dahil sa
napakaraming sakunang bumabatbat sa pag-aaral sa pangkalahatan: ang patuloy na pagtaas ng
matriukla, ang represibo-opresibong patakaran ng administrasyong hindi isinaalang-alang
ang kapakanan ng estudyante na sumasayaw sa himig ng kita at tubo sa ating paghihirap.


Alalahanin natin na hindi dito nagtatapos ang mandato natin bilang mga Iskolar ng bayan.
May sinumpaan tayo ngayon, nandito tayo para tulungan ang bayan at ialay ang serbisyo
natin para sa pagpapaunlad nito. Tumalima tayo sa isang sanduguan, hindi ito isang
palabas lamang. Paglabas natin sa pintong iyon, magpapasya tayo, tutuparin ba natin ang
sumpa o magiging bingi-bingihan o mas malala, maging taksil sa sarili nating bayan?

Mga kapwa ko iskolar ng bayan, ito ang panahon para tayo ang maging pag-asa ng bayan, Ito
na ang panahon para ipamalas natin ang ating giting at tapang. Haharapin at dudurugin
natin ang nagsasamantala sa kaban ng bayan, ang kumakamal ng lupa sa mga magsasaka, sa
mga nanghihimasok ng lupain at soberanya ng bansa,

Ito ang pagkakataon na lubusang lumahok sa lipunan, alamin at suriin ang mga suliraning
nagnanaknak sa kahirapan at di patas na patakaran, ng pagsasamantala at pag-aalipsuta sa
ating karapatang pantao.

Sa ngayon, nagbabantang kolonisahin ulit tayo ng Estados Unidos dahil sa Enhanced Defense
Cooperation Agreement maski ng Transpacific Partnership Program ng administrayong Obama
para lalong pagkakitaan at samantalahin ang ekonomiya ng Timog-Silangang Asya.

Sa darating na Mayo uno, makilahok tayo para alamin ang samu’t saring paghihirap ng
karaniwang manggagawa sa mga pagawaan at pabrika at doon natin malalaman kung bakit
karapat-dapat silang tumanggap ng pagtaas ng sahod at bigyan ng benepisyo. Habang sa
Hacienda Luisita, kinakailangan tayo ng mga magsasaka dahil pinipigilan ng Cojuangco-
Aquino na ipamigay ang lupa ng naturang hacienda kahit na pinasa na ng Korte Suprema na
dapat itong ipamahagi sa mga magsasaka.

Huwag nating kalimutan ang mga isyu na ito dahil produkto ito ng sistematiko at malaganap
na suliranin malaon nang nakatanim sa kasaysayan ng lipunang Pilipino.

Sa labas ng entablado at pook na ito, nagpapatuloy ang laban ng mamamayan, napakaraming
pangmasang organisasyon ang naghihintay sa atin para isulong ang pambansang demokrasya!

Tayo ang pag-asa ng bayan tayo ang sandigan ng sambayanan. Mabuhay ang pag-asa ng bayan!
Mabuhay ang sambayanang Pilipinong patuloy na lumalaban para makamit nag pambansang
demokrasya! Paglingkuran ang Sambayanan!

Talumpating sanang naihayag sa graduation rites ng College of Arts and Letters
April 26, 2014

*Ito dapat ang buong talumpati na dapat babasahin ko sa daloy ng lightning rally sa
graduation ng KAL, dahil sa kakapusan sa oras at sa kahandaan, hindi ko buong naibahagi ang mensahe na ito sa mga kapwa ko magsisitapos na iskolar ng bayan.

Paumanhin sa mabilis at malabong pananalita, minarapat ko na lang na ipaskil ito para mabasa muli at mapagnilayan at maunawaan kung bakit kailangan may magpaalala sa mga graduates na hindi lamang ito pagdiwang, kundi ng pagpasan pa ng mas mabigat na responsibilidad at tungkulin para tulungan ang sambayanang Pilipino.

Sabi ni Archbishop Luis Antonio Cardinal Tagle sa kaniyang talumpati sa graduation ng UP  Manila kahapon, tayong lahat na magsisitapos ay nasa isang krisis ngayon. Hindi dahil
magtatapos na ang isang yugto ng ating buhay kundi kung ano ang gagawin natin pagkatapos nito, paglilingkuran ba natin ang sambayanan o tayo ba ang magiging instrumento sa lalong pagpapahirap sa sanlaksang naghihirap? Iaalay ba natin ang ating sarili para sa kanila, o susundin natin ang ating sariling interes?

Ito ang ipinapaalala sa bawat Iskolar ng bayan sa seremonyang ito. Tunay ngang dapat
tayong magdiwang, purihin ang ating sarili at ang mga kapwa magsisitapos sa isang
kalbaryo napagtagumpayan natin, pero dapat din natin isipin na hindi lamang dahil sa
ating sariling pagsisikap at lakas ay nakapagtapos tayo sa unibersidad, dahil ang
unibersidad ng diliman ay ipinundar ng dugo at pawis ng bawat mamamayan, ng pera ng
sambayanan, ng pangarap ng bawat isa para sa isang maalwang bukas.

 

   
   
   
UP Los Baños
Photos by Paul Carson
     

.

Paglingkuran ang Sambayanan:
Talumpati sa ika-42 Palatuntunang Pagtatapos sa UPLB


Mga kapwa iskolar ng bayan, isang mapagpalayang gabi sa ating lahat!

Ipinagdidiwang natin ang pagtatapos sa pamantasan sa gabing ito, pinagdiriwang rin ito ng ating mga magulang at kaguruan ang kanilang ilang taong pagsasakripisyo para tayo ay mapagtapos. Pero higit sa lahat, nagdiriwang sa araw na ito ang malawak na hanay ng sambayanang Pilipinong umaasa sa mga Iskolar ng Bayan sa kanilang mithiing kamtin ang makabuluhang pagbabago sa ating lipunan.

Sa kasalukuyang panahon, kailangan tayo ng sambayanan, hindi lamang ang ating mga teknikal na kaalaman kundi ang ating prinsipyadong paninindigang kayang tumanggi sa panunuhol at kayang lumaban sa talamak na korapsyon sa lipunang ito.

Hindi rin tayo nag-iilusyon na ang pagbabago ay makakamit sa isang iglap lang, pero isipin natin kung ang bawat isa sa atin ngayong gabi at sa mga susunod pang magsisipagtapos ay manindigan para sa makabuluhang panlipunang pagbabago darating ang panahon na masisilayan natin ang isang maaliwalas na bukas.

Kasabay ng pagdiriwang na ito ay ang hamon na Paglingkuran ang sambayanan. Sapagkat ang pagtatapos sa pamantasan ay isang bahagi lamang ng pagiging Iskolar ng Bayan, at hindi ang ultimong sukatan para ituring na tayo ay isang ganap na Iskolar ng Bayan. Hindi rin nasusukat ng mga numero sa ating pay slip ang tagumpay bilang mga iskolar ng bayan, bagkus ang tunay na sukatan ay ang ating kabuluhan sa lipunang ito. Ang tunay na iskolar ng bayan ay masusukat sa kanyang social relevance.

Marahil yung iba sa atin ay magtatrabaho sa pamahalaan, ‘wag naman sana tayong pumayag na maging ahente ng sistematikong korapsyon sa gubyerno sapagkat ito ang dahilan ng patuloy na pag-aabandona sa serbisyong panlipunan katulad ng edukasyon.
Marahil yung iba sa atin ay magtatrabaho sa mga pribadong korporasyon, ‘wag naman sana tayong maging ahente upang magkait sa makatarungang sahod at benepisyo ng mga manggagawa.

Maraming oportunidad rin ang naghihintay sa atin, lalo na sa development sector. Gamitin natin ang ating mga natutunan sa pamantasan sa mas makabuluhang bagay para paglingkuran ang sambayanan.

Hinihintay na tayo ng mga biktima ng sunod-sunod na kalamidad doon sa kabisayaan. Hinihintay tayo ng mga magsasaka sa kanayunan para tulungan silang paunlarin ang kanilang produksyon at iangat ang kanilang kabuhayan. Hinihintay tayo ng mga katutubo sa kabundukan para tulungan silang ipagtanggol ang kanilang karapatan at ang kalikasan.

Kasabay ng ating pagdiriwang ay ang ating panata na tayo ay magiging makabuluhang Iskolar ng Bayan, tagapagtanggol ng maliit at inaapi, tunay na pag-asa ng sambayanan.
Mabuhay ang mga Iskolar ng Bayan! Mabuhay ang Kabataang Makabayan!UPLB: Tunay, Palaban, Makabayan!!!
 

~ Leo XL Ysulat Fuentes|USC CHAIRPERSON, 2007-2008

 


 

     
     
     
     
     
           
     


UPLB 42nd Commencement Exercises & Lightning Rally
On April 26, 2014, thousands of graduates of the University of the Philippines Los Banos celebrated as they cap their college life on the Commencement Exercises at Freedom Park. Towards the end of the singing of UP Naming Mahal, the graduates, together with Student Regent Krista Melgarejo, massed up near the stage to forward their calls, to "struggle for national democracy". Also, Leo XL Fuentes, Jr. gave a speech posing a challenge to the graduates to serve the people.
A mobilization was held by the students outside the graduation grounds.
Photos by Paul Carson
-- UPLB Perspective

     

.
 

.  THE TASKS OF THE SECOND PROPAGANDA MOVEMENT[1]

 

The Second Propaganda Movement

 

It was Senator Claro Mayo Recto who first expressed the need for a second propaganda movement. It was his intention in 1960 to engage in an intensive and extensive anti- imperialist campaign tour after coming from his journey abroad. He was never able to do what he intended, but his anti-imperialist legacy remains with us.

 

This anti-imperialist legacy consists of the body of ideas and principles which he defined in the course of his nationalist crusade which he launched in the early 1950s. There was really no need for him to make any formal announcement that he and other patriots would embark on the Second Propaganda Movement. He had started it the moment he began to relate the struggle of the present to the struggle of those who had successfully fought and isolated the first colonial tyranny, but who did not quite succeed in preventing the coming of a new foreign tyranny, U.S. imperialism.

 

It is important to speak of the Second Propaganda Movement because we need to recall the unfinished tasks of the Philippine Revolution. The Second Propaganda Movement is required to arouse our nation anew to the struggle for the fulfillment of the national-democratic tasks of the Philippine Revolution.

 

The Second Propaganda Movement occurs as a resumption of the First Propaganda Movement and of the Philippine Revolution even as conditions are far different from those obtaining during the time of the first nationalist propagandists. While old problems have been carried over to the present, new ones have also arisen to make our national struggle more difficult and more complicated.

 

The Second Propaganda Movement must therefore be more vigorous and resolute. It should be a propaganda movement of a new type, with a new class leadership and a new alignment of forces and with a new ideological and political orientation more advanced and more progressive, if we are to be on the tide of a higher stage of historical development and if we are to win the struggle against an enemy far stronger and far more clever than the old type of colonialism. In other words, the Second Propaganda Movement must surpass the first because it occurs at a higher stage of historical development and because the enemy we face, with its domestic allies, is stronger and more advanced than the old colonialism it replaced.

 

At the present, however, U.S. imperialism and feudalism, which are the principal targets of the Second Propaganda Movement, are strategically weak as these are confronted with the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal unity of the people under the leadership of the working class. Furthermore, on a world scale, U.S. imperialism and feudalism are fast losing out before the surging forces of national-democratic and socialist revolutions. The present tasks of the Second Propaganda Movement are huge but conditions for its success are also good.

 

The Second Propaganda Movement is first of all a political movement. It is an educational movement with political aims; for after all there is no type of education or culture that is detached from politics. It aims to replace the old type of education and culture while retaining only its progressive elements. It aims to prepare and guide the people for struggle against their foreign and feudal exploiters. It aims to effect results and it proceeds from a particular political standpoint. Class interests, whether of the exploited or of the exploiters, generate political ideas, values and attitudes that inspire and guide men to action.

 

Learn from the Masses

 

In order to move the people to obtain certain results by their collective action, one must first determine their motives based on their concrete conditions and class interests. It is necessary for the Second Propaganda Movement to learn from the masses their conditions, problems, interests and aspirations before it dares teach them what to do. The Second Propaganda Movement is a mass movement in the most genuine sense with the mobilization and victory of the masses as the main objective.

 

The principle of learning from the masses should never be forgotten even if at this point we are able to take advantage of a fund of general knowledge gathered from past experiences. General or second-hand knowledge is important but what is always more important is the first-hand knowledge of the masses or learning from the masses because it assumes being constantly with them and merging with them. Learning from the masses and being with them will make our generalizations for action and formulation of solutions more correct and more dynamic. We become immediately one with the masses in their mobilization.

 

The Second Propaganda Movement should never be a campaign to command or dictate above the heads of the masses. One should not throw big theories and big slogans without first learning the concrete conditions and problems of the people. A knowledge of these from first-hand observation, from practice with the masses and from listening to the masses, would enable us to test and verify theories, enrich them and explain them to the people in the most concrete terms that they immediately understand.

 

We must advance from the behavior and performance of the First Propaganda Movement which unfolded as a movement of exiles in a foreign city while it was supposed to be concerned with Philippine conditions and problems. It will also not do now for the ilustrados or the petty bourgeoisie to assume leadership by simply brandishing their formal or artificial classroom knowledge, or by impressing the people with their bourgeois education.

 

The agents of U.S. imperialism, the landlords and religious sectarians themselves are trying to mingle with the masses, under the cover of the powerful mass media that they own and control and under the cover of many pretexts with the sole objective of confusing and deceiving the people.

 

The activists of the Second Propaganda Movement have no alternative but to take the mass line, merge with the masses and learn from the masses. It does not suffice now even to issue manifestoes and proclamations from the cities and big towns where the lazy “leaders” are fond of sitting out a “revolution.” The success of the Second Propaganda Movement will be determined by those who choose to go to the masses and be with them.

In the Second Propaganda Movement, it is necessary to determine whose political ideology should lead the people.

 

There is a presumption on the part of the bourgeoisie and the landlords that only those with high formal schooling are fit to lead the people. They talk of the people disdainfully as illiterate and uneducated. By asserting that only those educated in the bourgeois or conservative fashion are fit to lead, they wish to entrap the masses deeper within the system of exploitation.

 

The Second Propaganda Movement should reject this dangerous and undemocratic presumption as a lie intended to mislead the masses. We have given to the products of colonial and neocolonial education more than three centuries and many more decades to solve the problems of the masses. But what have they done? We have given the bright boys or the technocrats of the bourgeoisie and the landlord class more than enough time and yet they are either too dull or too dishonest to see such basic problems as U.S. imperialism and feudalism.

 

What a pity that the educated elite does not see clearly the basic problems that are U.S. imperialism and feudalism which the masses, with lesser formal education, can see and feel most acutely, as they are the ones most adversely affected. The masses are in a position to perceive not only their own sufferings but also the benefits that accrue to a few from U.S. imperialism and feudalism.

 

What the masses experience they can immediately grasp. They can also easily grasp the correct solutions based on the correct analysis of their problems. It is the self-satisfied statesmen, educated men and publicists of the bourgeoisie and the landlords who will consider such terms as imperialism and feudalism too high above their heads, not so much because they are dull but because they are dishonest and are afraid of exposing the negative character of the system that benefits them.

 

The national and social liberation of the masses will come only from the masses themselves. Only they themselves can understand their problems most profoundly. The activists of the Second Propaganda Movement can only generalize and formulate solutions from the experience of the masses.

 

The Scientific and Democratic World Outlook

 

Reliance on the masses and rejection of bourgeois and egotistic education can be understood only if one has a scientific and democratic world outlook.

 

The scientific and democratic world outlook should be even more advanced than the liberal-democratic outlook that the First Propaganda Movement had as a matter of political posture. The proletarian world outlook is today the most scientific and democratic outlook. It is superior to the narrow viewpoint of the “enlightened” liberal bourgeoisie. It sees clearly the entire range of the opposing class forces operating in society today with their respective viewpoints. It comprehends their basic relations and contradictions and it so masters the situation as to be able to change it through revolutionary practice.

 

It recognizes the progressive force in any contradiction and at this stage of world history it recognizes the proletariat as the progressive class in the struggle between the U.S. monopolists and the proletariat going on all over the world and in our country. It does not only recognize every progressive force but it takes sides as a matter of commitment. A man who has a scientific and proletarian outlook knows that no man or no small group of men can be detached or excluded from basic social struggles. Outside of one’s consciousness, this class struggle is objectively occurring; one can only side with the progressive or the reactionary force in the moment of crisis. To assume the posture of neutrality is actually to become an appendage of the stronger force.

 

The class struggle is objectively going on in the Philippines but it has taken the form of a national struggle, with patriotic classes—the working class, peasantry, intelligentsia and the national bourgeoisie—aligned against the U.S. imperialists, compradors, landlords and bureaucrat capitalists. The working class is the leading class, with the peasantry as its most reliable ally, and it conducts its struggle against the U.S. monopoly capitalists and the local comprador bourgeoisie, supported by the landlord class.

 

The Second Propaganda Movement should advance a modern scientific and democratic world outlook that rejects the religio-sectarian culture of feudal times, the decadent imperialist culture and the egotistic petty-bourgeois mentality. The schools as they are now in the Philippines are the purveyors of these that we must reject.

 

Alienation in the Present Culture

 

There has to be a complete overhaul of the entire educational system. But the initial necessary step to be taken is to advance a national-democratic culture of a new type. This national-democratic culture is a part of our political struggle to achieve national democracy. Education must serve our national struggle to gain independence and self-reliance in every field of endeavor, whether political, economic, social, cultural, military and diplomatic.

As a whole, the present educational system in the Philippines is in the hands of forces inimical to the principles of national democracy. Its control is shared by the agents of an imperialist culture and those of a regressive feudal-sectarian culture. It is an educational system which actually shields the ruling class and alienates the formally educated from the masses. It does not at all propagate a healthy scientific and democratic viewpoint; even the exceptional children of the poor who manage to acquire a high degree of education inevitably adopt the decadent and corrupt values of the ruling class and abandon the cause of national and social liberation. This kind of education is a device by which the betrayal of the masses by a few of its own children is assured.

 

In a period where the ruling class has stability of power, the educated middle class serves as the transmission belt of the ideas and values of the ruling class to the lower classes. Before it is won over or neutralized by the organized masses, the middle class functions as the instrument of the exploiting classes.

 

As clear manifestation of the alienation of our educational system from the cause of national democracy, it does not perform the function of teaching the students to merge with and mobilize the people for, say, national independence, land reform, national industrialization or any such urgent tasks.

 

The activists of the Second Propaganda Movement should patiently arouse and mobilize the masses, win over the intelligentsia and develop an alliance with the national bourgeoisie, on the basis of its self-interest, under the banner of national democracy.

 

Filipinization of the Educational System

 

One immediate step that can be taken with regard to the present educational system is its Filipinization. This should be taken with the view of replacing foreign ownership, control and influence over the schools with that of Filipinos imbued with the spirit of national democracy.

 

Teachers educated in the old way should themselves be reeducated. The process of their education will accelerate as the political situation consistently develops in favor of the revolutionary masses.

 

The adoption of textbooks and other study materials that are Filipino-oriented and progressive should be used to counteract the hundreds of years of our colonial, imperialist and neocolonial mental subjugation. Filipino authors should struggle to replace the materials and textbooks now being used which are alienated from the conditions and problems of the masses.

 

The Filipino students and the people should be alerted to the foreign agencies and devices by which the colonial and feudal mentality is meant to be perpetuated. The imperialist and subversive character of the activities and influence of the AID, USIS, the Peace Corps, U.S. scholarships and grants, the ALEC, IEDR, the research grants extended by U.S. corporations, Asia Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, Ford Foundation and the Congress for Cultural Freedom should be thoroughly exposed. These agencies have been exposed before as imperialist agencies or as CIA fronts and conduits.

 

When your enemy makes you think the way he does, he becomes your friend superficially even if he takes advantage of your interests and exploits you. As Senator Recto said in a message addressed to the youth, a “brainwashed” generation followed the military defeat of the Philippine Revolution. The result has been the abandonment of national-democratic tasks.

 

As proof of the abandonment of the historical tasks of the nation and the betrayal of the Philippine Revolution, it has been deemed “subversive” for the youth and the people now to recall the Philippine Revolution and to strive for national democracy.

 

The Second Propaganda Movement should likewise be alert to the friar enemies of the First Propaganda Movement. They are now, in collaboration with the imperialists, fast expanding their ownership and control of the educational establishments. The religious hypocrisy of a Padre Salvi and a Padre Damaso should not deceive the people again.

 

As we all believe in the freedom of religion, they are free to preach in their churches, but they should not oppose the struggle for national democracy and try to discredit us as heretics and filibusters by abusing the credibility that they have among their faithful. Religion should not be used as a cover for the people’s enemies. Both the church and those striving for social change should avoid the conversion of a national and social struggle into a religious one. Otherwise, those who claim to be concerned with the spiritual welfare of their faithful will only be exposed as tools of those who want to perpetuate the political power of the exploiting classes. It is the prevalent imperialist culture and the decadent feudal values of the exploiting classes which create the monsters and demons of this society.

 

A scientific and democratic type of education should be fostered by all means and should not be run down by the expanding schools of foreign friars. The national-democratic movement, that is, the Second Propaganda Movement, should demand that the clerical type of education should not be allowed to prevail over a scientific and democratic type of education. Clerical schools have only become bastions of class discrimination, authoritarianism and anti-secularism.

 

National-Democratic Scholarship

 

Within and outside the schools, progressive scholars and researchers who consider themselves part of the Second Propaganda Movement should work assiduously for the replacement of those historical writings and social researches which unilaterally misrepresent the colonial and imperialist aggressors as great conscious benefactors of the Filipino people.

There should be an objective presentation of our historical development as a nation. The struggle of social opposites must be objectively presented with a clear appreciation of our national efforts and with the clear understanding that the revolutionary masses make history.

 

Our colonial-minded and bourgeois historians and scientists have even gone to the extent of obscuring the most important historical documents of the Philippine Revolution in their attempt to play up their colonial heroes and their intellectual subservience.

 

The step taken by an increasing number of scholars in taking the Filipino orientation in the writing of Philippine history is a positive step which does credit to the national-democratic efforts of our people. The most progressive step to be taken by our Filipino scholars now is to present objectively the struggle of the nation and of the various patriotic classes in our society for democracy and progress.

 

A National Language and Revolutionary Arts and Letters

 

In language, literature and arts, vigorous efforts should be exerted for these to serve the interests of the masses.

 

While we should preserve the culture of localities and minorities as part of our cultural heritage, we should develop a new and truly national culture by propagating and making use of a national language that is a cognate to all our local languages and can therefore, unlike English, be easily grasped by the masses everywhere. Vigorous steps must be taken to make Pilipino a language ascendant over English. The main reason for this is to have a medium for the rapid promotion of national-democratic understanding among the people of the entire archipelago. The educated elite has made use of a foreign language as a language of conceit over the heads of the masses. The laws are still in Spanish and English; this is one sign of how alienated are the laws of the ruling class from the masses.

 

In literature and the arts, the process of raising aesthetic standards and popularization should go hand in hand. For the masses who constitute our biggest audience can appreciate our literature and art only if our writers and artists make use of the life and struggles of our masses as raw material. If we adopt this raw material, it can be given the form that our artistic talents are capable of making.

 

Our heroes and values must change if we are truly for revolutionary progress. The workers, peasants and revolutionary fighters should prevail in our representation of life. The content and themes of our literary and artistic efforts must shift from pseudo-aristocratic and petty bourgeois concern over a narrow and limited portion of our national reality. The task of our writers and artists now is to turn to the great drama of the struggle of the masses for national and social liberation.

 

Those creative writers and artists who fail to use the life of more than 90 percent of our people for their raw material must be pretty narrow-minded. Or, they are too misled by or absorbed with getting travel grants and other concessions from the Rockefeller Foundation, the USIS and other imperialist institutions which have calculatedly planned to make our writers and artists flighty and escapist.

 

The petty-bourgeois writer or artist should realize once and for all that there is no such thing as being declasse, above classes, apolitical or detached from politics. An honest analysis of the work of the people who take this presumption will show their real objective partisanship on the side of the ruling classes which give them the crumbs and the plums. They are actually reactionary through and through, either praising the regressive values of the primitive or feudal life or presenting the helpless or the self-indulgent individual who is trapped by a system which he does not care to understand or which he deliberately mystifies.

 

Those who write for the proletariat or the masses and for their cause are regarded by the imperialist, feudal or petty-bourgeois writer as being gross and utilitarian. But look at the works of our supposedly refined and arty writers or artists: the presentation of their egotistic obscure concerns actually represent a narrow-minded grossness and incapability to grasp the basic tensions of life. They are capable only of presenting a narrow part of reality, the alienation and psychology of the individual alienated from the more dynamic forces of society.

 

The Second Propaganda Movement should be pushed forward by cultural workers who can surpass even the tradition of critical realism of Dr. Jose Rizal in his novels, the Noli and the Fili, and Juan Luna in his painting, La Spoliarium.

 

Literature and the arts are a concentrated expression of reality. In the present era, one must unswervingly take the proletarian standpoint in order to achieve the greatest progress in art and literature. Literature and the arts should reflect the revolutionary struggle and point towards its triumph.

 

Science and Technology for National Industrialization

 

Let us consider science and technology. It is not true that science and technology are free from political or class dictation. The feudalists and imperialists have a particular way of using them or restricting them and for definite reasons.

 

The feudalists wanted to restrict science and technology because they did not want their religious dogmas to be challenged and exposed. Today, imperialists use science and technology to make weapons of destruction for their wars of aggression and they also restrict production for the sake of maximizing their rate of profit.

 

In the Philippines, we wish to make use of science and technology for our industrial progress and for producing more for our people. In intellectual perspective, we have advanced far from that period when the friars opposed scientific knowledge as “heretical” and mishandled “A Class in Physics” in order to subvert our intellectual development.

When U.S. imperialism took over the Philippines, it first showed, relative to the friars, some desire to share science and technology with us; but now, as we want to use science and technology to pursue national industrialization and effect economic emancipation, we find the American capitalist society, with its own scientific and technological progress, inimical to our progress. U.S. imperialist politics does not permit us to make full use of the science and technology within the grasp of our scientists, technologists, and our people because the economic development we would create will set us free and cut down the market and profits of U.S. industries. It is wishful thinking, therefore, to consider that science and technology have no necessary connection with politics and with class dictation.

 

Science and technology and production in socialist countries are within the realm of politics, that is to say, of satisfying the needs of the people. But, in capitalist countries, despite the high level of development in science, technology and the forces of production, altogether these are made to serve the profit-making and political power of the monopolies against the interests of the masses and nations abroad.

 

In the Philippines, we should pursue a thoroughgoing program of increasing our scientific and technological knowledge for political and economic purposes; that is, for our political emancipation and economic welfare. We want to have the skills for national industrialization and agricultural development. In order to ensure the participation of the masses of our people in production and in accelerated social development, we should popularize the most advanced skills; but, before we can put these to use, the masses must first arm themselves politically, liberate the nation and themselves from the political forces that restrict our economic growth and our scientific and technological progress.

 

Filipinization of the Mass Media

 

Let us consider the newspapers, radio, TV, movies and other like media of information, opinion and entertainment which are now powerful instruments of either progress or reaction in this era of the Second Propaganda Movement. We know that these are not controlled by the masses. The masses, on the other hand, are reduced to passivity in relation to the emissions of these mass media.

 

Because of the fact that most of the corporations owning these media or sponsoring the programs are imperialist and imperialist-oriented, our mass media at present cannot be used for propagating national democracy. On the other hand, it is through the mass media that the glorification of sex and violence, characteristic of imperialist culture, is propagated to the detriment of our youth and people. Just take note of the James Bond cult and the cowboy fare and the rat-race mercenary kind of justice dished up by the imperialist-controlled mass media. They are the vehicles for imperialist propaganda and likewise for anti-Filipino and anti-democratic prejudices. Because of commercial advertising, the tastes, attitudes and consumption habits of the Filipino people are anchored on the products of U.S. imperialism. As a whole, foreign control of the mass media and their content (ranging from local sensationalism to slanted reports of U.S. press agencies like AP and UPI) constitutes intervention in our political life; and, in the most subtle way, it actually conditions the minds of the people to accept not only the commercial products but also the political products in the form of political agreements and fair-haired boys of U.S. imperialism.

 

In the field of mass media, let us recall the glorious tradition of Kalayaan and La Independencia, which were the genuine journalistic instruments of the national-democratic movement. In the spirit of these publications, let us convince our journalists that the truth does not lie only within the framework of imperialist and landlord political power. Many of them have realized this; and they are bound to widen their freedom of expression more and more.

 

There is no such thing as freedom of the press in the abstract. Only a liar or a dull person would make that claim. The reporters are bound by editorial policy; the editorial policy is in turn bound by the publisher’s policy or that of the company board of directors; the publisher or the board is in turn bound by the advertisers’ policy. It is foolish to make the liberal argument that by having different or several advertisers, none of them would be able to control the paper. The advertisers are well organized in their chambers of commerce and national advertisers’ association and in many more business groupings. If the press depends on them for survival, it is bound never to violate the basic class “truths” of their interests.

 

It is common knowledge how U.S. companies have tried to quell the expression of national-democratic views in the press. The patriotic and progressive members of the press should struggle for greater press freedom by siding in so many ways with the forces of national democracy.

 

Professionalism in the service of the exploiters means political subservience to them, inasmuch as it serves to shape and foster opinions in the service of the exploiters.

 

One concrete step that can be taken by the Second Propaganda Movement is to fight for the Filipinization of the press so that direct ownership by foreigners of such anti-national and anti-democratic media like Philippines Herald, Manila Daily Bulletin, DZBB, DZHP, DZBU and others can be removed. If we succeed in Filipinizing the press, the popular support we shall have generated will automatically serve to back up national-democratic publications. At present, we should consistently expose and isolate all those anti-national and anti-democratic media directly owned, supported or controlled by foreign monopolies and compradors.

 

If our newsmen should wish to play a role in the national-democratic tradition of Jose Rizal, Lopez Jaena, Del Pilar, Jacinto and Luna, they should organize themselves as militantly progressive journalists and workingmen who wish to broaden their freedom of expression. Their unity should serve to counter the power of decision of the publisher who is tightly bound by financial compromises with the anti-national and anti-democratic advertisers and stockholders.

 

Within and outside the field of journalism, the Second Propaganda Movement can vigorously call for the nationalization of the economy and for national industrialization so that ultimately the foreign advertisers can no longer have the press at their mercy.

 

What the Second Propaganda Movement can do now by itself in widening press freedom is to establish a publication where there is the untrammeled freedom to express and advocate national-democratic views. This publication, as envisioned by Senator Claro Mayo Recto, should articulate and organize the resurgent forces of the Philippine Revolution. It should therefore be guided by the patriotic style of our revolutionary forefathers and the true revolutionaries of the present. The Second Propaganda Movement should use this publication to help break down old ideas, old customs, old habits and old attitudes and help the Philippine Revolution advance.

 

The Second Propaganda Movement should be a thoroughgoing cultural revolution. It should shatter the present semi-colonial and semi-feudal superstructure. A new national and democratic culture is crying out to be born. Mass organizations, especially of the youth, play a great role in promoting this new culture under the leadership of the proletariat. #

 

 


 


[1] Speech delivered by Jose Maria Sison  at the St. Louis University, Baguio City, on October 12, 1966; sponsored by the St. Louis University Student Council.

     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
           
     
UP Mindanao
Photos by Anthony Montecilio
     
     
   
   
   
           
BONUS TRACKS
No more sunflower in the next graduation, June 2015
Water lily or kangkong perhaps or genetically-modified sunflower that blooms in June
           
           
     
UP Cebu
Photos by Shoot UP Cebu
     
   
   
 
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
           

 

/p

  
 

Google