Celebrating the 42nd anniversary of the National Democratic Front
Intensify the struggle for national freedom, democracy and peace!

 

UP Bahay ng Alumni

 

 April 25, 2015

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Click here to view video of the highlights of the NDFP @ 42 anniversary celebration (by Kodao Productions)
 
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Photos by Arkibong Bayan. Efren Ricalde and Kodao Productions
as indicated by the filenames
           
     
The National Democratic Front: Its Role in the People's Democratic Revolution
Luis Jalandoni
Chairman, NDFP Peace Negotiating Panel
     

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At the celebration of the NDFP 42nd anniversary in Manila, April 25, 2015

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Founding Chairman, Communist Party of the Philippines
Chief Political Consultant, National Democratic Front of the Philippines

I am very pleased to join all of you in celebrating the 42nd founding anniversary of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines . I thank the organizers of the event for inviting me to speak on the NDFP: Prospects and Tasks as follow up to the presentation of Louie on the role of the NDFP in the people's democratic revolution and that of Coni on the NDFP's negotiating for a just and lasting peace.

The prospects of the NDFP in strengthening itself, advancing its revolutionary role and winning greater victories in the new democratic revolution of the Filipino people are brighter than ever before. The crisis of the world capitalist system and the crisis of the US-dominated ruling system of big compradors, landlords and corrupt bureaucrats continue to worsen.

The broad masses of the people are fed up with the ruling system and the current US-Aquino regime and are desirous of revolutionary change. They struggle to realize full national independence, genuine democracy, social justice, development through land reform and national industrialization, a patriotic and progressive culture and international solidarity with all peoples fighting for peace and development against imperialism and reaction.

The revolutionary forces are fast gaining in strength. As the advanced detachment of the proletariat, the Communist Party of the Philippines is making big strides in its ideological, political and organizational work. The New People's Army is winning brilliant victories in the battlefield and is on track in bringing the people's war from the strategic defensive to the threshold of the strategic stalemate. The revolutionary organs of political power and the mass organizations are stronger than ever.

As a consequence, the NDFP can be more effective than ever in uniting and harmonizing the national and democratic rights of the Filipino people through its allied organizations. The NDFP is the most advanced embodiment of the national united front based on the basic alliance of toiling masses of workers and peasants and the middle social strata that are the urban petty bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie.

The NDFP is ever ready to expand the united front by taking advantage of the contradictions among sections of the reactionary classes of big compradors and landlords by being open to temporary alliance with the sections enlightened enough to oppose and help to isolate and destroy the power of the most benighted anti-national and anti-democratic section.

The NDFP has most successfully used the broad united front to overthrow the Marcos and Estrada regimes and to discredit and cripple in a big way other regimes. The broad united front is working hard to mobilize the people to force the resignation of Aquino. Whatever is the outcome of the effort, the national democratic movement will become even stronger.

The NDFP has won great victories as a united front for armed revolution. This takes the concrete form of the anti-feudal united front, relying mainly on the poor peasants and farm workers, winning over the middle peasants, befriending the rich
 peasants and taking advantage of the contradictions among the landlords in order to isolate and destroy the power of the despotic landlords.

The NDFP and the allied revolutionary forces within its fold are determined to become stronger and go all the way to overthrow the ruling system and establish the people's democratic state. This is the best possible way to achieve national liberation and democracy and realize a just and lasting peace.

The NDFP continues to explore the possibility to advance the national democratic movement through peace negotiations and agreements with any regime that wishes to have an alliance with the revolutionary forces and the people. In the absence of any peace agreement, the NDFP is justified to persevere in the armed revolution.

The Philippine revolution has contributed significantly to the struggle of the world's people against imperialism and reaction and has gained considerable international support through the work of the NDFP abroad. We are confident that the NDFP will continue to be an effective instrument of the Filipino people and the revolutionary forces for building international solidarity with other peoples and all positive forces and for establishing and developing proto-diplomatic relations with various governments and international agencies.

More than ever there is a great need to strengthen the National Democratic Front of the Philippines and give full play to it as an indispensable weapon of the Filipino people in the new democratic revolution. The NDFP has the duty to carry out ten urgent tasks which are as follows:

1. It must propagate the general line of people's democratic revolution through protracted people's war.

2. It must educate and train cadres for united front work and engage in various types of campaigns and activities to arouse, organize and mobilize the broad masses of the people for the Philippine revolution.

3. It must promote the building of various types of alliances, such as the basic alliance of workers and peasants, the alliance of progressive forces, the alliance of patriotic forces and the broadest alliance possible, to oppose imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

4. It must build the underground organizations of the NDFP in the urban areas and cooperate with the Communist Party and the New People's Army in building the organs of political power and the revolutionary mass organizations in the countryside.

5. It must deploy its cadres to help in integrating the revolutionary mass base with the armed revolution and land reform.

6. It must engage in development activities, disaster relief, rehabilitation and environmental protection and assist in raising resources for the revolution and its social programs and facilitating the collection of contributions and tax payments.

7. It must build revolutionary strength among the national minorities for self-determination and ancestral domain.

8. It may engage in peace negotiations in accordance with the strategic line of realizing the national and social liberation of the people and must avoid misleading the people.

9. It must arouse, organize and mobilize the overseas migrant workers and other overseas Filipinos for the Philippine revolution.

10. It must work for international solidarity between the Filipino people and other peoples of the world for peace and development against imperialism and all reaction.

Long live the National Democratic Front of the Philippines!
Carry forward the people's democratic revolution!
Long live the Filipino people!

See video here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=os0L2XlnXTk&feature=youtu.be
 

     
     
     
     
     
     
           
     
The National Democratic Front: Its Role in the People's Democratic Revolution
Luis Jalandoni
Chairman, NDFP Peace Negotiating Panel
     

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NDFP@42 continues to win over the Filipino people to the armed revolution
April 24, 2015

Logo.ndfp

NDFP National Democratic Front of the Philippines

 Fr. SANTIAGO SALAS (Ka Sanny)
Spokesperson, NDFP-Eastern Visayas

At this moment in history when the Filipino people are striving to oust the US-Aquino regime, we are all the more happier today in celebrating the 42nd anniversary of the founding of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines. The NDFP is the alliance of the clandestine revolutionary organizations of the basic revolutionary forces. It is thus the most consolidated part of the national united front and advances the national-democratic revolution through the people’s war. The NDFP is always open to link up and work with those who may not be ready to join it but are against imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

The US-Aquino regime is extremely isolated and vulnerable to ouster through a widescale and broad democratic mass movement. Since 2010, the Filipino people have suffered through the regime’s aggravation of the semifeudal and semicolonial crisis in implementing the neoliberal policies of the US. With Hacienda Luisita as the glaring example, the regime has also worsened poverty and social injustice by refusing to carry out genuine land reform and national industrialization.

Benigno Simeon Aquino III shows his true colors in his sheer puppetry and sell-out of the national sovereignty to US imperialism on whose backing he depends to maintain his sorry regime. Meanwhile, Aquino has brought the rotten, reactionary, bourgeois and anti-masses politics to new lows with the continuing exposures of patronage politics signified by the large-scale corruption of the pork barrel. With ruling class arrogance, Aquino and his ilk think they can do away with the people’s discontent and struggle through continuing human rights violations under the fascist program Oplan Bayanihan.

Removing Aquino will be beneficial to the people and a just punishment for the corrupt, brutal and fascist puppet president of US imperialism and the local exploiting classes of the big landlords and bourgeois compradors. It will throw the reactionary ruling system into further disarray while further strengthening the democratic and revolutionary struggles of the people until they can ultimately seize power.

Like the confrontations of its unlamented predecessors the US-Marcos and US-Estrada regimes, the US-Aquino regime can be challenged and pushed out by various movements, organizations, forces, groups and individuals who are united against Aquino. The democratic forces and organizations are at the forefront, exercising their independence and initiative, while applying united front principles in relating with other forces and groups in the broad alliance of the people.

As a matter of course, the armed revolutionary forces do not participate in the urban struggles of the broad united front of legal forces against the US-Aquino regime. But the Communist Party of the Philippines, New People’s Army, NDFP and the organs of democratic power will certainly intensify the armed struggle in the countryside to further weaken the US-Aquino regime and support the ouster movement. The armed revolutionary forces are eager to see the advances and victories of the broad united front against the US-Aquino regime and the establishment of a transition council towards a new Philippine government, which should arrest and punish Aquino and undertake basic reforms.

The struggle to oust the US-Aquino regime will certainly also strengthen the NDFP and give new opportunities to convince many of the patriotic and progressive contents of its 12-point program. In Eastern Visayas, we shall strive to arouse, organize and mobilize as many of the peasants, workers, women, youth and students, church people and other democratic forces as possible for the people’s war. We also call on the NDFP member-organizations in the region to reach out to the military, police and paramilitary elements to convince them of the justness of the revolutionary struggle, to dissuade them from being used against the anti-Aquino broad united front, and to invite them to the revolutionary fold.

Let us salute the NDFP for its continuing revolutionary efforts to win the people to the Philippine revolution. Let us support and fight to advance the people’s war to the new and higher level of strategic stalemate in the coming years!

 

     
     
     
           
     
     
     
The National Democratic Front and the Negotiations of a Just and Lasting Peace
Coni Ledesma, NDFP Peace Negotiating Panel
International Spokesperson, MAKIBAKA

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Requisites for building the socialist future

 

jms ndfp flag 09dec2013

By JOSE MARIA SISON

Founding Chairman, Communist Party of the Philippines

Paper for the Inception Workshop 
of the People's Resource for International Solidarity and Mass Mobilization (PRISM)
Utrecht, The Netherlands
14 November 2014

There are five general requisites for building the socialist future. First, learn from the historical experience of the revolutionary proletariat in building socialism in the 20th century.

Second, grasp the potential for socialist revolution in various countries in the current circumstances. Third, build the subjective forces of the revolution, such as the revolutionary party of the proletariat, the mass organizations, effective alliances, the people's army or self-defense units, and the organs of political power. Fourth, carry out the various forms of revolutionary struggle to overthrow the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Fifth, build the socialist state of the proletariat on the basis of a broad people's alliance, and engage in continuous socialist revolution in the political, socio-economic and cultural fields.

Learn from the historical experience of building socialism!

In the emergence and development of industrial capitalism, it has been unavoidable for the capitalist class to create and expand the working class from which it extracts surplus value and enables it to accumulate capital. It is a given fact that the modern industrial proletariat is the most advanced productive force. And in the course of class struggle against exploitation and oppression, it has become the most advanced political force capable of liberating itself and other exploited classes, and of building socialism as a result of being developed ideologically, politically and organizationally to fight and overthrow the exploitative and crisis-ridden capitalist system.

As a revolutionary class for itself and for other exploited people, the working class has been involved in and benefited from the three stages of development of its revolutionary theory and practice. In the first stage, in the era of free competition capitalism, Marx and Engels laid the fundamental principles of Marxism in philosophy, political economy and social science, and engaged in initial efforts to build the communist and workers' movement. In the second stage, in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, the Bolsheviks led by Lenin and Stalin prevailed over the revisionism and opportunism of the Second International and the Mensheviks in order to lead the October Revolution that overthrew the Czarist rule and establish a socialist state, victoriously engaged in the socialist revolution and construction in the Soviet Union.

After Lenin died in 1924, Stalin brought the New Economic Policy to a successful conclusion. He adopted the series of five-year economic plans to bring about socialist industrialization, the collectivization and mechanization of agriculture, the education training and deployment of the biggest corps of scientists and engineers, the promotion of socialist culture and art and the mass mobilization of the Soviet people of various nationalities. After the arrest and trial of the traitors in the 1930s, the German Nazi intelligence could not find a fifth column for the Nazi invasion. Stalin victoriously led the Great Patriotic War against the fascists who killed 27 million Soviet people and destroyed 85 per cent of Soviet industry. He proceeded to industrialize the Soviet Union for the second time and encouraged the oppressed nations and peoples of the world to fight for national liberation and socialism.

In the same stage of the Leninist development of Marxism, the Communist Party of China led by Mao made a still far greater breach on the imperialist front in the East by winning the people's democratic revolution through protracted people's war and proceeding to carry out the socialist revolution. Mao can be credited with the consolidation of the revolutionary victory amidst the devastation brought about by the Japanese invasion and the civil war unleashed by Guomindang, the basic socialization of the Chinese economy, the Great Leap Forward to socialist industry and to establish communes, the socialist education movement, the critique of and improvement on the Soviet model of economic development and the vital support extended by China to the Korean people and the Indochinese people in their struggles for national liberation and socialism against US imperialist aggression and to all the peoples of Asia, African and Latin America.

It became the responsibility of Mao to confront the full-blown phenomenon of modern revisionism of Khrushchov and then Brezhnev. This paved the way for the third stage, that of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, when Mao put forward the theory and practice of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat through the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) in order to combat modern revisionism, prevent the restoration of capitalism and consolidate socialism. The GPCR prevailed from 1966 to 1976. But a coup d'etat headed by Deng Zhao Ping, behind a combination of Rightists and Centrists, overthrew the socialist state and began a series of capitalist reforms. This was a repeat of the coup d'etat headed by the revisionist chieftain Khrushchov in the Soviet Union in 1956.

It is of crucial importance for the scientific socialists or communists of today to learn the historical experience of the revolutionary proletariat in building socialism. We must appreciate the great socialist achievements of the proletariat, entire people and their leadership in the philosophical, political, social, economic and cultural fields, against imperialism, revisionism and opportunism. And we must criticize and repudiate the “Left” and Right opportunist errors of certain leaders at certain times and the biggest of all errors modern revisionism, which destroyed socialism under the pretext of creatively improving it through capitalist reforms. The positive and negative lessons from the past are a legacy to learn from.

The imperialists and their petty bourgeois camp followers are systematically using the total negation of the socialist revolution and socialist construction, especially from 1917 to 1956 in the Soviet Union and from 1949 to 1976 in China, in order to attack entirely the revolutionary cause of socialism. They use cheap reductionist psychological trick of the total negation of Stalin and Mao as the short cut to the total negation of socialism, and the proletariat, people and party that built socialism. In times of either the most strident or most subtle anti-communist propaganda anywhere, the communists and revolutionary people must resolutely uphold their principles and militantly do their work.

In what is already an extended period of strategic retreat for the international communist movement, as a result of the revisionist betrayal of socialism, the scope and impact of the revolutionary ideological and political work of the persevering communists may appear limited and ineffectual on a global scale or in certain countries, The imperialists may even appear invincible as they unleash the most brutal forms of class struggle and aggressive wars as the petty bourgeois reformists and neorevisonists seem to steal the struggle from the communist revolutionaries. But the resolute and steady ideological and political work of the communist revolutionaries will eventually resound, amplified by the ever worsening crisis of the bourgeois ruling system, and will certainly lead to the upsurge and expansion of the revolutionary movement.

Grasp the potential for socialist revolution in the current circumstances!

At present, all major contradictions in the world capitalist system are intensifying. These are the contradictions between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class in the imperialist countries; those between the imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples and nations; those between the imperialist powers and some countries assertive of national independence; and those among the imperialists themselves. The objective conditions are favorable for waging revolution. The broad masses of the people are in extreme suffering and are desirous of revolutionary change. There is a high potential for the rise of revolutionary forces for people's democracy and socialism against imperialism.

In the imperialist countries, the contradiction between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class has been exacerbated by the rapidly accelerating adoption of higher technology in production, distribution, finance and communication, and the intensification of profit-taking by the monopoly bourgeoisie under the neoliberal economic policy. The crises of overproduction have recurred more frequently and more gravely. The attempts of the monopoly bourgeoisie to counter the crisis of overproduction and the tendency of the profit rate to fall by resorting to the tricks of finance capitalism, mainly the expansion of the money supply and credit to stimulate production and consumption, have led from one financial crisis to another until the financial meltdown of 2008, which has caused what is in fact a protracted global depression.

The contradiction between the social character of production and the private mode of appropriation has become utterly conspicuous, and the destructiveness and irrationality of capitalism are well manifested by high rates of unemployment, lower incomes among the working people, the thinning out of the middle social strata, and the growing poverty and misery even in imperialist countries. But the incipient people's resistance is not yet being turned into a resounding demand for system change and for socialism because the revolutionary parties of the proletariat have not yet arisen or are still too few, small and weak to overcome the long running and current strategy and tactics of repression and deception employed by the state and private instruments of the monopoly bourgeoisie.

The contradiction between the imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples and nations has become far worse than ever before. The fact of neocolonialism in most underdeveloped countries has been aggravated by the rampage of neoliberalism. The broad masses of the people are suffering from rising levels of exploitation, oppression and aggression. They suffer the main brunt of imperialist plunder and war. Even in the so-called emergent markets favored by the imperialist outsourcing of manufactures and special flows of hedge funds, the people suffer from unemployment, reduced real incomes, and other dire consequences of the global depression.

As a result of extreme oppression and exploitation, there are revolutionary parties of the proletariat persevering in armed revolution for national liberation, people's democracy and socialism in a number of underdeveloped countries. There are also similar parties preparing for armed revolution. Where the imperialist powers have unleashed wars of aggression, as in Iraq and Afghanistan, political and social turmoil among Islamic sects and ethno-linguistic communities has continued, and conflicting armies have arisen. But no communist party has yet taken advantage of this kind of situation.

Communist parties still exist in former revisionist-ruled countries but have not gone beyond parliamentary struggle. Certain states like Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea stand out today for upholding their national independence and socialist aspirations against the blockades and provocations by US imperialism. They are holding their ground, even while the US has succeeded in destroying the Qaddafi government in Libya and is trying to overthrow the Assad government in Syria for the benefit of the US-Israeli combine in the Middle East.

The contradictions among the imperialist powers in economic, financial, security and other policy matters are fast coming to the fore. The US is now worried to death about the growing tendency of Russia and China to act independently and pose a challenge to its status as No. 1 imperialist power and sole superpower, in contrast to the previous period when the US gloated over the full restoration of capitalism in the two countries and proclaimed it as the final doom of the socialist cause. The ruling parties of both Russia and China have indeed betrayed the cause of socialism but they have brought to the top rung of capitalist powers the high sense of sovereign power and social capital that they had acquired under socialism.

The struggle for a redivision of the world has become more intense. It is a struggle for sources of cheap labor and cheap raw materials as well as for markets, fields of investment and spheres of influence. The US resents the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a counter to NATO, and the formation of the BRICS economic bloc. Thus, it is carrying out the strategic pivot to East Asia to contain China, and is making provocations on the borders of Russia to destabilize Russia. Inter-imperialist contradictions in general, and inter-imperialist wars in particular, offer opportunities for developing revolutionary civil wars for national liberation and socialism. Remember how the first socialist state arose in connection with World War I and several socialist countries in connection with World War II.

Build the subjective forces of the revolution!

In relation to such objective conditions as the system of exploitation, the crisis, and the moods of the spontaneous masses, the subjective forces of the revolution are highly conscious solid organizations of people who are determined to wage various forms of revolutionary struggle in order to discredit, isolate and ultimately destroy the bourgeois ruling system. The objectives of the scientific socialists are to smash and destroy the bourgeois state and establish the proletarian or socialist state. Definite types of organizations are needed to realize these objectives.

Just as the bourgeoisie was the class agent to establish and develop capitalism, the modern industrial proletariat is the class agent to establish and develop socialism. Whatever is their level of consciousness about socialism at a given time, or whatever is the degree of influence of petty bourgeois and anti-socialist ideas on them, the blue collars and white collars in the labor force have their class interest which is increasingly under vicious assault by the monopoly bourgeoisie and which can, in due time, rouse them to rise up when the boiling point is reached. They are objectively the overwhelming majority in the well-developed capitalist economy, in contrast to the minority consisting of the capitalist owners and their highest paid subalterns. They have the potential of becoming conscious that they can get rid of the bourgeois rule and can run and expand the national industrial economy without the bourgeois proprietors and managers.

No matter how large is the peasantry in a country, it cannot lead the socialist revolution because its perspective is, at best, to own the land through democratic revolution or reform, and the possibility for socialist cooperation and mechanization is made possible by the proletariat in power. At any rate, the proletariat cannot seize and hold power without a strong alliance with the peasantry in any agrarian country. The class tendency of the petty bourgeoisie is to serve the bourgeois system and even to climb to the level of the big bourgeois. Marx himself had to change his petty bourgeois outlook and remould himself into a proletarian revolutionary to become a scientific socialist.

The most important subjective force to build for socialist revolution is the party of the revolutionary proletariat – the Communist Party or the workers' party. It is the advanced detachment of the entire working class and the trade union movement. It builds and strengthens itself ideologically, politically and organizationally for winning the battle for democracy by mobilizing the workers and other working and exploited people; for smashing the state power of the bourgeoisie; and for building socialism in transition to communism. It propagates the revolutionary theory and practice of the proletariat. It proclaims and carries out the general political line, and the strategy and tactics in the revolutionary struggle. It recruits as Party members the most advanced elements in the revolutionary mass movement.

The proletarian revolutionaries must rely on the masses and do mass work. They must engage in social investigation in order to learn from the masses their basic problems and urgent needs, and how to arouse, organize and mobilize them in order to unite and strengthen themselves against their powerful adversaries. In industrial capitalist countries, they must focus mass work among the workers in their work places and communities. They must build revolutionary unions where no unions yet exist or even if they must at first form and multiply communist cells within the reactionary unions. They must trust the workers in embracing the revolutionary theory and practice of their own class. In agrarian or underdeveloped countries, they must build the revolutionary trade unions and peasant associations at the same time, and strengthen the basic alliance of these two classes. The revolutionary worker’s party must field cadres and organizers to the countryside to arouse, organize and mobilize the peasants and develop proletarian revolutionaries from among their ranks.

It is not enough to build the basic class organizations of the toiling masses of workers and peasants. The proletarian revolutionaries and mass activists must build certain types of organizations like people's cooperatives and organizations of the youth, women, teachers, health workers, cultural workers and other low-income people. They must encourage the petty bourgeoisie to form its own progressive organizations in rejection of the exploiting classes and in support of workers and other working people. Revolutionary alliances of the working people with the progressive organizations of the petty bourgeoisie are of great importance. The progressive petty bourgeoisie carries with it to the socialist cause their various professional and technical skills and can serve as articulators and molders of public opinion. The progressive bourgeois can become allies of decisive importance and can remould themselves into proletarian revolutionaries.

The revolutionary party of the proletariat answers the central question of revolution when it builds a people's army for seizing political power. But the sit
uation may not yet be ripe for establishing the people's army in certain countries. In preparing for the eventuality of creating a people's army and waging an armed revolution, the Party and the pertinent mass organizations can form discreet self-defense units and engage in mass training for self-defense, but always avoiding provocations that lead to unnecessary or untimely armed clashes that give the enemy to unleash white terror against the revolutionary forces and people. In the US and certain countries, it is a matter of constitutional right for ordinary citizens to bear arms to restrain or prevent the state from misusing its armed power against the people. Practical legitimate reasons for the private possession of firearms include self-defense against common criminals, fondness for hunting, and membership in a sports club.

In the application of the strategy of protracted people's war by encircling the cities from the countryside in underdeveloped countries, people's committees of self-government are formed as organs of political power in local communities. Even in the absence of a revolutionary civil war, such organs of political power can be established with the support of the mass organizations and can perform certain non-violent functions of local government in communities of the working people. Even at the national level, an alliance of progressive political parties and mass organizations can appear and act like a government by forming a people's shadow cabinet, with major departments that monitor and criticize the policies and actions of the reactionary government and voice out the demands of the people and the mass movement.

Carry out various forms of struggle to overthrow the capitalist system!

Ideological building is the first requisite and continuing fundamental task in building the revolutionary party of the proletariat. It avails of the treasury of Marxist-Leninist works written by the great communist thinkers and revolutionary leaders in the course of victorious revolutionary struggles against the capitalist system, reaction and revisionism of the classical and modern type. These works provide the principles and methods to guide the analysis of the history and circumstances of the people in a country, the formulation of the revolutionary program of action, and the concrete practice of revolution by the proletarian revolutionaries and the people.

The theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism is ever developing in relation to the world and to the particular country where it is applied. It is comprehensive and profound as it musters the proletarian revolutionary outlook and scientific knowledge in criticizing and repudiating class exploitation and oppression; in drawing up the general political line, strategy and tactics; in striving to end the capitalist system; and in proposing socialism as the preparation of communism. It requires the concrete analysis of concrete conditions, and the testing of ideas in social practice. It demands within the proletarian party a struggle against petty bourgeois subjectivism, be it in the form of dogmatism or empiricism. The consequence is that the party is well equipped to wage ideological struggle against the theorists and ideologues of the bourgeoisie and in constantly combating non-proletarian ideas and tendencies inside the party.

Ideological building serves to firm up the political building of the proletarian revolutionary party and reinforces the line of political struggle against the big bourgeoisie in different conditions. In the developed capitalist countries, the proletariat can regard the forces of social production as the basis for socialism, but it also has to win the battle for democracy by winning over the petty bourgeoisie and all disgruntled sections of capitalist society, in order to have the overwhelming majority of the people for the uprisings to overthrow the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

The capitalist class never gives up its power and wealth voluntarily but uses violence and deception to hold on to these, and it does not hesitate to use fascism to suppress the forces of socialism and the people. It is therefore necessary for the proletarian party to develop a revolutionary mass movement and prepare the means for frustrating or defeating state terrorism, and for establishing the state power of the proletariat. The proletariat cannot fulfil the historic mission of building socialism without state power. This is proletarian class dictatorship against bourgeois class dictatorship, and is at the same time proletarian democracy for the proletariat and the rest of the people.

In the underdeveloped or agrarian countries, where the peasantry still comprises the majority of the population, the proletarian revolutionary party adopts the line of people's democratic revolution led by the proletariat but is based mainly on the worker-peasant alliance. It can adopt the strategic line of protracted people's war, encircling the cities from the countryside in order to accumulate the political and armed strength to eventually seize power in the cities and on a national scale. In addition to the basic worker-peasant alliance, the party can build further alliances with the urban petty bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie, and take advantage of splits among the reactionaries.

In all kinds of countries, legal and illegal forms of struggle need to be carried out by the proletarian revolutionaries who lead a broad range of revolutionary forces. Even where there is yet no armed revolution by the proletariat and the people, the bourgeois can be repressive and outlaw activities that are legal in other times or other countries. When armed revolution is already surging, certain legal forms of struggle are still possible and necessary to isolate and weaken the enemy. In the general run of third world countries, the people suffer the main brunt of imperialist exploitation, oppression and aggression, thus the conditions for waging revolutionary wars are far more favorable than in the imperialist countries. The best possible situation for the world proletarian revolution is the interaction of revolutions in countries with different levels of development.

The revolutionary mass movement can pursue certain kinds of economic struggle, like strikes and blockades by the workers and peasants, boycotts or interdiction of goods and enterprises of the imperialist enemy, undertaking industrial cooperatives of workers, handicraft cooperatives of artisans, land reform and improvement of agricultural production. But it cannot rely mainly on these to take over the national economy. It is the politico-military struggle that makes the bourgeoisie lose its economic power and bureaucratic offices.

The proletarian revolutionaries, the cultural activists and the people can also engage in cultural struggle. They can create and promote cultural works to inspire more people to join and support the revolutionary movement. But only the politico-military struggle can make the reactionaries lose their control over the secular cultural institutions. Even then, unlike the power and wealth of the big bourgeoisie which can be confiscated, the ideas, sentiments and habits of the reactionaries will persist and can only be overcome or re-channelled persuasively by persevering in the revolutionary education of the current and future generations.

Build the socialist state and engage in socialist revolution in all fields!

Consequent to the smashing and dismantling of the military and bureaucratic machinery of the bourgeois state, the proletarian revolutionary party, the proletariat and the broad masses of the people can establish the socialist state and carry the socialist revolution forward, uphold and defend the national independence and socialist revolution, promote socialist democracy, socialize the commanding heights of the economy, carry out land reform and other bourgeois democratic reforms when necessary as transition measures, foster a patriotic, scientific and socialist system of education and culture, establish diplomatic and trade relations with all countries, and uphold proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialist solidarity.

The democratic state power must protect and defend the proletariat and the people against imperialism and the exploiting classes. It must ensure and encourage the exercise and enjoyment of rights among the broad masses of the people individually and collectively. The revolutionary party of the proletariat must take the lead in the correct handling of contradictions of the people and must give full play to democracy. It must take care that the contradictions among the people are not confused with those between the people and the enemy.

The state must have a republican socialist constitution and must be under the leadership of the revolutionary party of the proletariat, on the basis of the participation and support of the broad masses of the people, and in cooperation with other democratic parties and mass organizations. The main component of state power is the people's army under the absolute leadership of the Party, and must be capable of defending national sovereignty and the socialist revolution against internal and external threats.

The constitution must prohibit imperialist intervention and domination, and the rule of any exploiting class. It must have a bill of rights which gives full play to democracy among the citizenry and all the patriotic and progressive forces within the framework of socialism. It must provide for the distinct executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, their powers and their obligations, and the methods for constituting them.

The national people's congress or parliament must have an Upper House of Labor which upholds the socialist constitution and ensures that legislation by the Lower House of Commons conforms to the constitution and to the socialist principles, policies and plans for developing the political, socio-economic and cultural system. The members of the House of Labor must be elected representatives of the Party and the workers of all major industries. The House of Commons must be a bigger body which includes representatives of the patriotic and progressive classes, forces and sectors and national minorities who are elected by the people at the appropriate levels of political subdivision. The national people's congress or parliament may be replicated at lower levels. And people's consultative assemblies may be formed at any level to prepare and support the work of their respective congress or parliament.

As soon as the socialist republic is established, such commanding heights of the economy as strategic industries, sources of raw materials, and the major means of transport and communication will come under public ownership. Transitory measures may be adopted to allow land reform and other bourgeois democratic reforms, overcome the consequences of war and enemy blockades, and revive the economy in the quickest way possible. But all these measures are subject to the steady process of cooperativization and socialization. As soon as possible, a series of 5-year economic plans must be adopted and implemented to develop socialist industry, agricultural cooperation and mechanization, and such social services as public education, cultural work, health care, housing, sports and recreation..

The centralized economic planning must provide for a well-balanced allocation of resources and development. The strategic industries must be in the lead of development and agriculture must be the base of the economy, ensuring food self-reliance and some major raw materials. But light industries, which will provide basic consumer and producer goods as well as the social services, must be developed as quickly as possible in order to serve the immediate basic needs of the people.

There must also be a well-balanced distribution of economic development tasks between the central and lower levels of economic and social ministries or departments. The objective is to spread economic development nationwide, even as various levels of processing can be located close to the source of raw materials, and certain light industries and social services can be assigned to lower levels of the government.

In socialism, the general principle of compensating people for their work is to each according to his or her deeds. There will still be wage differentials on the basis of the quantity and quality of the work done. But certainly, the needs of those who have retired and those who are unable to work permanently or temporarily (children, women on maternity leave, the elderly, the sick, those with physical or mental impairments, and so on) will be provided for. As productivity rises and production expands, it becomes possible to decrease the number of working hours and raise the real income, unlike in the capitalist system in which the capitalists press down wages in order to maximise private profit. In the socialist system, aside from the assurance of full employment and rising real wages, the surplus value that used to be privately accumulated by the exploiters becomes social capital for expanding and improving production, infrastructure, social services, efficient administration, scientific and technological research and development, artistic cultural work and public performances, defense capabilities and environmental improvement.

It is realistic and reasonable to expect that, in so many vital respects, socialism advances towards communism. The rise in the quantity and quality of production and the efficiency in its organization, the decrease of working hours and increase of real income, and the expansion of social services move towards a classless society in which the needs for subsistence, good health, recreation and cultural upliftment of the individual and the entire community are fulfilled. But to proclaim prematurely the end of classes and the class struggle, and the withering away of the worker state is to encourage the abandonment of the proletarian revolutionary stand, viewpoint and method of thinking. This translates to becoming blind to the persisting reactionary die-hards and potentially new shoots of the bourgeoisie in socialist society and to the continuing threats from imperialism and the international bourgeoisie.

Lenin pointed out that socialism will take a whole historical epoch because of the persistence of imperialism and the increased resistance of the defeated domestic bourgeoisie by ten fold. By virtue of the proletarian revolutionaries’ respect for the freedom of thought and belief, the bourgeoisie can still persist and grow by using the bureaucracy, religious institutions and modern cultural institutions as refuge and cover, and ride on old customs and habits that favor reactionary thinking and acting. Mao observed the emergence and growth of the phenomenon of modern revisionism with a growing petty bourgeoisie as its social base in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and also the persistence of the bourgeoisie in Chinese socialist society. Thus, he fought against modern revisionism since the 1950s and eventually put forward the theory of continuing revolution under proletarian dictatorship.

It is easy to understand that it is foolish to suggest the withering away of the worker state in the face of imperialism still riding roughshod over the people of the world. After the full restoration of capitalism in former revisionist-ruled countries, it should also be easy to understand that modern revisionism has been the most lethal poison to socialism. It is proven by history that it is possible to build socialism in one country and then several countries for several decades. But communism cannot be achieved without defeating imperialism, modern revisionism and reaction on a global scale. Thus, proletarian revolutionaries consider it of the highest importance to uphold proletarian internationalism against these anti-socialist and anti-communist adversaries.

The proletarian revolutionary parties and revolutionary mass organizations of the world must unite. They must strive to develop mutual understanding, fraternal relations, and mutual support and cooperation. Giving life to the slogan, “Workers of all countries, unite!”, the socialist state must give uppermost importance to the internationalist unity of the working class through the establishment and development of fraternal relations of working class parties and socialist states. It must strive to strengthen solidarity of all peoples, revolutionary parties and mass movements around the world in order to fight and defeat imperialism on a worldwide scale. Upon the global defeat of imperialism, communism is realizable.

 

 

     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     


Parade of colors of NDF allied organizations
     
     

Musicians for Peace: Medley of revolutionary song
     

LABAN: Nuki Calubid and Aya Santos
Children of disappeared NDFP consultants
     

Kamanyang: Artists, Inc - Southern Tagalog
     

 

Excerpt from Taytay sa Alappap,
a Musical on Apolinario Mabini
Artist, Inc.

     
Ano pa ang gusto niyong laya?
From the poem Laya by Alan Jazmines
Performed by SINAGBAYAN
     
           
     
  The Guerilla is Like a Poet
People's Chorale
 
     

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PRESS RELEASE

April 25, 2015

Mindanao IP leaders tackle Peace, Ancestral Domain and Human Rights

Davao City—Hundreds of tribal chieftains and Bais from 6 regions in Mindanao gathered here for a 5-day conference from April 21-25 to discuss various issues concerning the plights of the indigenous people (IP) in different areas in the island. The conference dubbed as Dumalongdong Mindanaw aims to consolidate these issues and strengthen the unity of the IPs all over Mindanao.

Kalumaran or Kusog sa Katawhang Lumad sa Mindanao (KALUMARAN-Mindanao), the largest IP organization in the whole island, hosted this historic event.

Among the issues raised in the said gathering which focused on the ancestral domain of the IP is the intrusion of big foreign companies in their lands due to expansions of plantations, hydropower plants, logging and mining.

 Secretary-General of Kalumaran, Dulphing Ogan said, “These projects have been driving us away from our ancestral lands, destroy our environment and gain large profit to the investors while most of us remain impoverished and landless.”

He also said that the aforementioned projects are not supposed to be the priority programs of the government instead, genuine land reform which will include distribution of lands, increasing agricultural outputs and addressing issues about land-use.

“In the midst of disasters that ravaged our communities, the government is still hell-bent in pushing these environmentally-destructive projects and ventures. The Aquino government just shows itself as anti-indigenous people and destroyer of environment."  Ogan said.

Meanwhile, PASAKA or Confederation of Lumad Organizations in Southern Mindanao secretary-general, Kerlan Fanagel cited cases of human rights abuses committed against indigenous people in Mindanao. These cases, he said, are massive military encampment in lumad schools, filing of trumped-up charges against lumads, threats, harassments and intimidations and extra-judicial killings among others.

All the groups who attended the Dumalongdong Mindanaw also expressed the need for the immediate resumption of the peace talks between the Government of the Philippines and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines.###

 

For Reference:

DULPHING OGAN

KALUMARAN Secretary General

0912-288-0131

 

     
     
           
     
     
     
     
 
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Women in Revolution: Maria Lorena Barros and MAKIBAKA

 

lorena barros makibaka

By CONI K. LEDESMA

International Spokesperson
Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (MAKIBAKA)

22 March 2015
Utrecht, the Netherlands

Good afternoon, dear sisters, comrades and friends.

My talk this afternoon will focus on a Filipina revolutionary and her contribution to the national democratic movement, and the women's movement as a whole. I will talk about Maria Lorena Barros or Laurie, as she was popularly known.

Laurie was an anthropology student at the University of the Philippines in the mid 1960s. This was the time when students became aware of the political situation in the country, and imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism were recognized as the basic problems of Philippine society.

This was the period of political awakening of the Filipino people, when widespread protests in Metro Manila against the administration of Ferdinand Marcos were taking place. The nationalist struggle had been dormant since the 1950s. This ferment would lead to a frenzy of organizing among students, community youth, workers and farmers. Students and workers demonstrated against the Marcos government and exposed the basic problems of the Filipino people.

There were demonstrations against the raising of tuition fees, support for workers on strike, and demonstrations against the Vietnam war. Police brutality in response to the demonstrations resulted in more demonstrations.

Student organizations like the Kabataang Makabayan (KM, Patriotic Youth) and other organizations drew in men and women into their organizations.

It was during this period that Laurie became a student activist.

As Laurie got more deeply involved as an activist, she and other women began to discuss the role of women in the national democratic struggle. The youth organizations, like Kabataang Makabayan, had a women's bureau. But Laurie and the other women activists saw the need for a specific organization for women in order to fight not only against imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism, but also to fight for women's emancipation and to draw in women – who hold up half the sky – to participate in the struggle.

Theoretical and concrete practical work related to women's issues were very limited in the other organizations. Laurie saw the importance of a women's organization to define the role of women in the struggle and to draw in the largest participation of women.

Initially, the need for establishing a women’s organization separate from the youth organizations was questioned, saying that such an organization would divide the ranks. However, Laurie clarified the ideological line, saying that a woman’s organization would specifically address the women’s issues in a semi-feudal, semi-colonial and patriarchal Philippine society. Through a women's organization, the women’s struggle would become ideologically more revolutionary than their precursors, in that they would fight not only against Marcos, but also address the structural inequality in Philippine society. A women's organization was important because it would articulate the women’s question within the broader framework of national and class oppression. In addition, it would draw in and organize women into the ranks of the revolutionary forces.

In April 1970, an all women's group called Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababihan (Free Movement of New Women) or MAKIBAKA was born. Laurie was its Founding Chairperson.

The establishment of MAKIBAKA is a major landmark in the history of the women's movement in the Philippines. It articulated the oppression suffered by women and the need for women's liberation through participation in the nationalist struggle.

MAKIBAKA brought together women activists who espoused women's liberation in the context of national liberation. Women from various national democratic organizations joined MAKIBAKA.

MAKIBAKA's first all-women activity was a picket of a major beauty contest. This initial activity was significant not only because it was an all women's activity, but because it raised for the first time a woman-specific issue – the commodification of women through beauty contests. This was a concern never before addressed by the national democratic movement.

As MAKIBAKA developed, so too their activities. There was the picket of the UP Corps of Sponsors to protest the militarization of the University campus, the establishment of the National Democratic Nursery and the Mothers’ Corps, and the support for the worker’s strike at the US Tobacco Corporation. The members also held teach-ins and discussion groups where they discussed national and women’s issues, visited political prisoners, paid homage to revolutionary martyrs, and rallied against the high prices. During this time, Lorena was writing essays and short articles on the women’s situation and the emancipation of women.

In the two and a half years of its existence before the declaration of Martial Law by the late Dictator Ferdinand Marcos, MAKIBAKA membership grew. Women became conscious of their double oppression, and experienced the liberating effects of participating in a national struggle as they involved themselves in performing general and specific tasks for the revolution.

Why is the founding of MAKIBAKA an important milestone in the history of the women's movement in the Philippines?

Our history tells us that from as far back as during Spanish colonization, into American colonization and the Japanese invasion of the Philippines, women have participated in the struggles for national liberation. We have great women like Gabriela Silang who, when her husband was killed in battle, took his place and led her troops in the war against Spain.

There were the women of Samar who, during the Philippine-American war, danced and flirted with the American soldiers, getting them drunk, and then that night, together with their male comrades, killed all the American soldiers.

There was Joey Guerrero, a woman who had leprosy, who used her illness to slip through Japanese lines to bring messages and food to the guerrilla fighters.

So why is MAKIBAKA a major landmark in the history of the women's movement in the Philippines? MAKIBAKA espouses women's liberation in the context of the national liberation struggle. It states that women not only suffer from the oppressive and exploitative situation of the country, but that women suffer the double oppression of gender oppression. And that the full liberation of women will only come when the Filipino people will have overthrown the yoke of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. Its main task is to draw in as many women to the revolution.

Laurie used to say, “The Filipino woman's place is in the struggle”. This is quite unlike the old saying, “The woman's place is in the home”!

When the Dictator Marcos declared Martial Law in September 1972, MAKIBAKA members, as well as activists and members of various national democratic organizations, went underground. That means, activists went out of sight. But this did not mean they went into hiding and just hid. Many, including Laurie, went to the countryside and joined the New People's Army. Out of sight of the fascist military, the women and men of the national democratic movement continued to organize and the national democratic movement grew in leaps and bounds.

In October 1973, a year after Martial Law was declared, Laurie was arrested, tortured and imprisoned. While in prison, she learned that her husband, and the father of her son, had surrendered to the Marcos military. Sometime later, she escaped from prison together with five other companions and rejoined the New People's Army in the area where her husband had been active before he surrendered. This was her wish: That she would take his place and fight in his stead.

On March 24,1976, an encounter took place and Laurie was wounded. She ordered her other companions to retreat while she covered for them. The story is that when the soldiers came to her, she tried to shoot them but her gun jammed. She is supposed to have said, “You are lucky gentlemen, my gun jammed.”

Laurie died in battle in 1976. But her spirit and her ideals live on. MAKIBAKA, which went underground with the declaration of Martial Law, became one of the founding organizations of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines. It is a very active organization in the NDFP.

Most of its members are peasant women in the countryside. But there are also MAKIBAKA members in the cities, among women's organizations, and in the communities. In places where MAKIBAKA members are, they awaken the consciousness of women to the analysis of Philippine society, the double oppression they suffer as women, and enjoin them to participate in the struggle to liberate themselves. MAKIBAKA defines the women's movement in the Philippines as distinct but integral part to the national democratic movement.

Let me conclude my talk with a quote from the writings of Laurie Barros:

“The new woman, the new Filipina, is first and foremost a militant.

The new Filipina is one who can stay whole days and nights with striking workers, learning from them the social realities which her bourgeois education has kept from her. She is a woman who has discovered the exalting realm of responsibility, a woman fully engaged in the making of history. No longer is she a woman for marriage, but more and more a woman for action.”

Today, MAKIBAKA continues to live the dream of Maria Lorena Barros.

Thank you.

 

     
     
     
     

LIGHTNING RALLY
Cubao, April 24, 2015
Photos and notes by Kodao Productions

 

Revolutionary organizations call for Aquino's ouster and intensification of people's war.
Around a thousand members of all revolutionary organizations allied to the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) marched along EDSA in Cubao, Quezon City in celebration of its 42nd founding anniversary this April 24, 2015 and calls for the people to bring down the US-Aquino regime and intensification of the armed revolution. The lightning rally started at two points, one near the Cubao-LRT station in Aurora while the other group started to march from Farmers-MRT station, converged and held a program at Cubao’s intersection.

Quezon City, Philippines
April 24, 2015
 

           
           
     
     
     

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STRENGTHEN THE UNITY OF THE PEOPLES OF ASIA AND AFRICA
AGAINST US-LED NEOCOLONIALISM: FIGHT FOR NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY
 

Keynote Speech at the People's Conference to Celebrate the 60th Anniversary of the Bandung Conference, Auditorium of Padjajaran University, Bandung, 23 April 2015.

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Chairperson
International League of Peoples' Struggle

 

I am highly honored to be invited as keynote speaker of the People's Conference to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Asian African Conference of 1955 in Bandung and to unify the people for a joint declaration of struggle against imperialism and for national sovereignty. I congratulate the Indonesian Chapter of the ILPS and the Front Perdjuangan Rakyat (People's Struggle Front) for realizing this conference.


I am deeply pleased that this conference is a crucial part of the campaign with the theme: 
 

Strengthen the unity of the peoples of Asia and Africa against US-led neocolonialism: fight for national sovereignty. Yours is the celebration worthy of the spirit of the Bandung Conference which clearly opposed colonialism and neocolonialism, in contrast to the official commemoration which shall pay lip service to the Bandung Conference but will condone and even promote neocolonialism and neoliberalism.

 

The Asian African Conference of 1955 arose upon the initiative of newly independent countries that were concerned about upholding and strengthening their national sovereignty and independence in the face of the persistent attempts of the imperialist powers headed by the US to preserve colonialism wherever still possible, to impose neocolonialism on the newly-independent countries and to divide and rule over the newly-independent countries.

 

The US and other imperialist powers deemed neocolonialism as a clever and effective method for controlling the newly-independent countries, without having to pay for the costs and risks of outright colonial domination, especially in the face of the rise of national liberation movements and several socialist countries in the aftermath of World War II.. Neocolonialism involves the persistence of imperialist economic and financial interests and privileges within a previously colonized country and the continued subservience of the local exploiting classes to foreign monopoly capitalism. Unequal treaties are forged in the economic, trade, financial and military spheres in order to bind the neocolonies or semicolonies.

 

The organizers of the Bandung Conference were the states of Indonesia, Burma, Pakistan, Sri Lanka (then still known as Ceylon) and India. Twenty nine countries, with more than one half of the world's population, were represented in the conference. The newly-established states were a mixture of those that acquired national independence through armed revolution, through grants of independence by the previous colonial ruler or through a combination of both. They were able to make a consensus in forging the 10-point Declaration which reiterated principles from the UN Charter and integrated those principles of peaceful coexistence governing the relations of states.

 

The principles of the Declaration are as follows:
 

1. Respect for fundamental human rights and for the purposes and principles of the charter of the United Nations 
2. Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations 
3. Recognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations large and small 
4. Abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of another country 
5. Respect for the right of each nation to defend itself, singly or collectively, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations 
6. (a) Abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defence to serve any particular interests of the big powers
(b) Abstention by any country from exerting pressures on other countries 
7. Refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country 
8. Settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means, such as negotiation, conciliation, arbitration or judicial settlement as well as other peaceful means of the parties own choice, in conformity with the charter of the United Nations 
9. Promotion of mutual interests and cooperation 
10. Respect for justice and international obligations
 

The Five Principles of Peaceful Co-Existence, which were previously codified in a treaty between China and India in 1954, are as follows:
 

1. Mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty. 
2. Mutual non-aggression. 
3. Mutual non-interference in each other's internal affairs. 
4. Equality and cooperation for mutual benefit. 
5. Peaceful co-existence.
 

The US and other imperialist powers took a negative position towards the above principles and interpreted them not as a guide to the harmonious relations of all countries but as an attack on colonial and imperialist hegemony. They were hostile to the Bandung Conference. and they made every attempt to prevent the holding of the next Asian African Conference. They considered it as an instrument of the most assertive newly-independent countries for opposing neocolonialism, colonialism and imperialism, supporting the peoples still fighting for national liberation in Asia and Africa and for cooperating with the socialist countries. 
 

The Bandung Conference was followed by the Afro-Asian People's Solidarity Conference in Cairo in 1957. And the Belgrade Conference of the 1961 led to the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement.

 

The imperialist powers succeeded in preventing the holding of the Second Asia African Conference in Algiers in 1965 by emboldening a coup against the Ben Bella government. The Nonaligned Movement /NAM) appeared to be the extension and expanded version of the Bandung Conference, especially in upholding the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-Existence and overriding the Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union. However, the imperialist powers headed by the US could sow intrigues and manipulate some member-states against others to render NAM less effective as an instrument for defending national independence and promoting genuine development. The US feverishly unleashed political and economic sanctions, subversion and overthrow of governments that opposed imperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism in the course of the Cold War.

 

After the turmoil in revisionist-ruled countries, the fall of revisionist ruling cliques and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US and its imperialist allies have been able to impose neocolonialism and neoliberalism on other countries more freely than ever before and unleash state terrorism and wars of aggression with impunity more than ever before. Oblivious of these catastrophes, the summits of Asian-African states in 2005 and 2015 to commemorate the Bandung Conference are mere passing rituals. The so-called New Asian-African Strategic Partnership invokes the Bandung Conference in vain as it accepts snd promotes the framework of neocolonialism and neoliberalism in claiming to stand on such generalities as political solidarity, economic cooperation and socio-cultural relations.

 

It is important and relevant to recall how extremely the US hated the Indonesian leader Sukarno for championing the Bandung Conference and the “new emerging forces” against neocolonialism, colonialism and imperialism. The US masterminded and provided logistics to the regional and sectarian rebellions against the Sukarno government. It became even more vicious when the Indonesian government relied on the support of the NASAKOM united front. It prepared for the 1965 massacre of 1 to 3 million people, by indoctrinating and training a number of officers in the Indonesian Army, and collecting in advance the intelligence for the massacre of those classified as communists or sympathizers (those in mass organizations). The massacre ultimately made impossible the continuance of the Asian-African organizations based in Indonesia.

 

The Indonesian government under Sukarno gained high prestige by co-initiating and hosting the Asian African Conference. But the 1965 massacre of communists and a far bigger number of noncommunists with impunity and the subsequent fascist dictatorship of Suharto which lasted for more than three decades brought ignominy to Indonesia. To this day, the people of Indonesia and the world are outraged that no justice has been rendered for the victims of the massacre and for the entire Indonesian nation subjected to the most brutal forms of oppression and exploitation by foreign monopoly capitalism and the local reactionaries headed by the military fascist regime of Suharto.

 

Under the Suharto fascist dictatorship, neocolonialism prevailed at the expense of the Indonesian people and for the benefit of the multinational firms and banks and the local reactionaries who collaborated with them in plundering the country as big compradors, landlords and bureaucrat capitalists. It was also in the time of Suharto rule that neoliberalism came to aggravate neocolonialism from the early 1980s onwards. Neoliberalism has meant the unrestricted liberalization of investments and trade, privatization of public assets, deregulation of social and environmental restrictions and full denationalization of the Indonesian economy.

 

To this day, neocolonialism and neoliberalism are policies dictated by the imperialists and implemented by the local reactionaries in order to ensure the extraction of superprofits through the plunder of the natural and human resources, the foreign monopoly control of trade and investments and the practice of international usury in Indonesia, in the countries of Asia and Africa and in the whole world. Like the exploited and oppressed peoples of Asia and Africa, the Indonesian people suffer a high rate of real unemployment, low income and dispossession of independent means of livelihood, the lack or inadequacy of social services and the deterioration of infrastructure and public utilities. These are the result of the extreme methods of extracting superprofits under neocolonialism and neoliberalism.

 

The rampant poverty and social suffering in Indonesia and in most countries of Asia and Africa are the consequence of the lack of genuine national independence, people's democracy, social justice, a well-balanced industrial development, a patriotic and progressive culture and a policy of international solidarity for peace and development against imperialism and reaction. In the joint declaration that your conference intends to issue, you must take the standpoint of the people, describe their situation and make all the necessary demands to build an Indonesia and countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America that are truly independent , democratic, socially just, developed in all basic respects and in concert with the people's of Asia and Africa and the whole world.

 

By way of celebrating the Bandung Conference, you must give special attention to strengthening the unity of the peoples of Asia and Africa against imperialism, neocolonialism and neoliberalism and renew the call to fight for national sovereignty and independence.
 

You must expose and oppose not only the cruel economic methods of plunder by neocolonialism and neoliberalism but also the use of state terrorism against the working people and the wars of aggression that the US and NATO have wantonly unleashed to violate and destroy the national sovereignty and independence of countries and their peoples.

 

We,the International League of Peoples' Struggle, resolutely and militantly support all your efforts the uphold the spirit and principles of the Bandung Conference and to strengthen the unity of the people in the struggle for national liberation and democracy against imperialism and its puppets and their policies and acts along the line of neocolonialism, neoliberalism, state terrorism and aggression. ###

See video here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tUxo1925Cgg&feature=youtu.be
 

     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
           
     
     
     

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The civil war in the Philippines
and the status of peace talks
between the GPH and NDFP
October 20, 2014

Thank you very much for inviting me to speak in this people’s forum to launch the campaign “Justice for Lacub” as a response to the grave war crimes and violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed by the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Aquino government in Lacub, Abra last month.

 

The topic you have assigned to me is “The civil war in the Philippines and the status of peace talks”.

 

In the current civil war in the Philippines, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) represents in the peace negotiations, the people’s democratic government which is a co-belligerent of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP/GPH).

 

Two states exist in the Philippines: one is the revolutionary, representing the people’s democratic power, and the other is counterrevolutionary, representing the foreign and domestic oppressors and exploiters.

 

The people’s democratic government has effective power over an extensive population and territory with organs of political power in 71 out of 81 provinces in the country. It is led by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). It has the New People’s Army (NPA) as the main component of state power. The NDFP encompasses a wide array of political forces with 18 allied revolutionary organizations and mass organizations of workers, peasants, women, youth, children and cultural activists.

 

On the other hand, the reactionary government, currently headed by the Aquino clique, is subservient to US imperialism and utilizes the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the Philippine National Police, the CAFGU and private armies to suppress the people. They carry out the Oplan Bayanihan, patterned after the US Counter-Insurgency Guide. They perpetrate atrocious and numerous violations of human rights (HR) and international humanitarian law (IHL).

 

In carrying out their national liberation struggle through a protracted people’s war, the revolutionary forces are guided by the Program for a People’s Democratic Revolution, the Guide for Establishing the People’s Democratic Government, and the Rules of the New People’s Army.

 

In 1991, the NDFP declared its adherence to international humanitarian law, Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions and Protocol II. Furthermore, in July 1996 it issued the NDFP Declaration of Adherence to the Geneva Conventions and Protocol I and deposited it with the Swiss Federal Council, the official depositary of IHL and also provided a copy to the International Committee of the Red Cross, the official guardian of IHL.

 

AFP Violations of International Humanitarian Law in Operations in Lacub last month

 

Taking the data provided by the Fact Finding Mission to Lacub and other reports, it is clear that the 41st Infantry Battalion under the command of Lt. Col. Rogelio Noora and 2LT Joe Mari Landicho and Capt. Deo Martinez as officers on the ground, committed atrocious war crimes and crimes against humanity and other grave violations of IHL

 

Grave violations of IHL and constituting war crimes are the brutal killing, torture, mutilation and desecration of Ka Rekka Monte, NPA member, and similar killing and desecration of 6 of her NPA comrades, and the extrajudicial killing of civilians Engineer Fidela Salvador and Noel Viste. The six NPA comrades of Ka Rekka, honored as people’s martyrs like her, are Arnold Jaramillo, Pedring Banggao, Robert Beyao, Brandon Magranga, Robert Perez, and Ricardo Reyes.

 

The fact that Ka Recca suffered no bullet wound, as the autopsy of the NBI showed, indicates that she was captured alive. She should have been respected as an “hors de combat”. Instead she was subjected to willful killing, torture and inhuman treatment which are grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and declared war crimes by the International Criminal Court (ICC).

 

2Lt. Landicho, Capt. Martinez, and Lt. Col. Noora should be held accountable for these war crimes. The responsibility of the Commanding Officer of the 5th Infantry Division under which the 41st IB operates, should also be investigated.

 

The AFP use of civilians as human shields in coercing 24 civilians to be human shields on September 5, 2014 is likewise a war crime. Using human shields is prohibited under customary international law and declared a war crime by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTFY) either as inhuman and cruel treatment or as an outrage upon personal dignity. It is likewise declared a war crime by the ICC.

 

Indiscriminate firing directed towards the houses of civilians in Talampac Proper and Pacoc, Talampac by the soldiers of the 41st IB stationed at So. Bantugo, Poblacion, Lacub on September 5, between 9:00 and 10:00 p.m is also a war crime. IHL strictly forbids attacks against the civilian population and civilians.

 

CARHRIHL Provisions Strictly Prohibiting IHL Violations

 

These war crimes are also strictly prohibited by provisions in the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) signed in 1998 and approved by the Principals of both Parties, NDFP Chairperson Mariano Orosa and then GRP President Joseph Estrada.

 

CARHRIHL, Part IV Respect for IHL, Art. 3 prohibits “at any time and in any place: violence to life and person, particularly killing or causing injury, physical or mental torture, mutilation, cruel or degrading treatment, desecration of the remains of those who have died in the course of armed conflict …” Art. 4 states: “Civilian population and civilians shall not be the object of attack, they shall be protected from indiscriminate aerial bombardment, strafing, artillery and mortar fire…”

 

It is worth noting that the CARHRIHL authorizes the investigation and trial by the NDFP and the GRP of those accused of violations of HR and IHL. Cf. CARHRIHL, Part III Respect for Human Rights, Art. 4 and Part IV Respect for International Humanitarian Law, Art. 6. These also state: “The victims or their survivors shall be indemnified.”

 

This means that the revolutionary justice system of the people’s democratic government can institute investigation, prosecution and trial of those accused of IHL violations. Therefore, the victims and their families may approach the people’s democratic government through its public prosecutors to file relevant complaints.

 

The CARHRIHL also provides for the filing of such complaints with the Joint Monitoring Committee (JMC) which is mandated by the CARHRIHL to monitor the implementation of CARHRIHL. Such filing may be done through the Joint Secretariat (JS) of the JMC which holds office in Cubao, Quezon City. The JS is composed of the NDFP Nominated Section of the JS and the GPH Section.

Moreover, such complaints may also be raised in the forthcoming International People’s Tribunal against the US-Aquino regime to be held in Washington, USA next year.

 

The Current Status of the Peace Talks

 

A series of consultations between the NDFP Negotiating Panel and a high level delegation of the GPH has resulted in a meeting between the two sides scheduled in Utrecht within the next few days. The two sides are discussing the possible resumption of peace negotiations after the collapse of talks on truce and cooperation last February 2013.

 

There is a new Special Envoy appointed by the Royal Norwegian Government (RNG), the official Third Party Facilitator. She is Elisabeth Slattum who has experience in peace talks in Columbia, Nepal and Haiti. She and Mr. Espen Lindbaeck, the Deputy Director of the Peace and Reconciliation Section of the RNG Foreign Ministry came for talks with the NDFP Negotiating Panel in Utrecht on October 18. This new team of the RNG expressed its willingness to help in the resumption of formal talks and to hold the next meeting of the negotiating panels in Oslo, Norway. We reiterated our readiness to resume formal talks on the basis of past bilateral peace agreements in order to address the roots of the armed conflict.

 

As a goodwill measure to promote peace talks, the revolutionary forces in Mindanao released four Prisoners of War (POWs) on July 29, 2014. They are again offering to release two more POWs, but the AFP is not willing to issue the suspension of offensive military and police operations (SOMO & SOPO) that is needed for the safe and orderly release of the POWs. Peace advocate organizations helped in the release of the POWs last July and they are again trying to facilitate the release of the two POWs. An NPA ceasefire always goes with the SOMO and SOPO.

 

In contrast to these goodwill gestures of the NPA, CPP and NDFP and the call of peace advocates to resume peace talks, the AFP and PNP commit gross violations of HR and IHL, as seen in the AFP operations in Lacub in September, and in so many other areas in the country.


The NDFP deeply appreciates the call of the family of Ka Recca and other peace advocates for the resumption of peace talks between the NDFP and the Aquino regime. Together let us affirm again our commitment to fight for justice, sovereignty, genuine democracy and a just and lasting peace.

     
     
     
     
     

Tasks of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines
 
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
           
     
     
     

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Speech delivered before community leaders of the United Methodist Church and BAYAN-USA

On Talaingod, Civil War and Peace Talks
April 16, 2014



Good evening, Friends and Kababayan, Community and Faith leaders of the United Methodist Church, and members of mass organizations of BAYAN.


I extend warmest greetings to the great indigenous people of Talaingod, Davao del Norte, for their persistent fighting spirit, opposing the landgrabbing of Alcantara and Sons since the 1990s and up to now, and their resistance to destructive mining. They are now subjected to the most brutal militarization causing their renewed uprooting. They indeed deserve our strong solidarity.


This flagrant human rights violation by the military and the Aquino regime is repeated in many parts of the Philippines. As the Ata-Manobos in Talaingod accuse the 60thInfantry Battalion of the Philippine Army, and the 4th Special Forces of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the Cordillera people condemn the brutal massacre of the Ligiw family in Abra and demand the pull-out of the 47thInfantry Battalion, Philippine Army, whom they accuse of many human rights violations.


Similar militarization and uprooting are caused in Bicol, other parts of Luzon, and the Visayas. The policy of the Aquino regime to favor foreign destructive mining is carried out with brutal militarization.


In addition, the neoliberal policies of the regime, of privatization, deregulation, liberalization and denationalization, are causing great havoc on the lives of the workers, peasants, indigenous people, urban poor, fisherfolk, women and youth, and other sectors of the population.


Because of the intolerable exploitation and oppression of the ruling system of big landlords and compradors backed by the US, there has been a civil war in the Philippines since 1969. The liberation forces upholding and defending the rights of the exploited and oppressed are waging a war for national and social liberation. The New People’s Army led by the Communist Party of the Philippines, and the forces of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, through 45 years of heroic struggle, have established people’s organs of democratic power in substantial portions of 71 out of the total 81 provinces in the country.


The NDFP has held peace negotiations with the Manila government and has signed more than ten agreements since 1992. The aim of the NDFP is to address the roots of the armed conflict, such as land reform and national industrialization, in order to achieve a just and lasting peace.


The Aquino government, however, has refused to comply with the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) and the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL). It has declared the Framework Agreement, The Hague Joint Declaration, “a document of perpetual division.”

It arrested NDFP consultants Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria on 22 March 2014. It refuses to honor the JASIG. It detains them and 13 other NDFP consultants.


It keeps in jail 470 political prisoners, charging them with criminal offenses, in violation of the CARHRIHL.


On 27 March 2014, it arrested Andrea Rosal who is due to give birth next month. She is the daughter of the late NPA Commander Gregorio “Ka Roger” Rosal. When she was three years old in 1989, she was snatched from her grandmother’s arms to pressure Ka Roger to surrender. A powerful campaign by Ka Roger and supporters compelled the military to release her.
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Extrajudicial killings under Aquino have reached 188 cases, an average of almost one each week.


The NDFP demands the release of the 15 NDFP peace consultants and the political prisoners. We demand a stop to the militarization of civilian communities.


Because of the violations by the Aquino regime of the peace agreements, the peace talks are stalled. However, the NDFP supports the Royal Norwegian Government’s proposal for holding informal talks in Oslo in late May 2014. Peace advocate organizations in the Philippines and abroad also support the holding of such talks. The Aquino regime has not responded.


You can continue your strong campaign of solidarity for the Ata-Manobos and other indigenous people struggling for their ancestral domain and resisting militarization.


You can also help in campaigning for the release of Tiamzon and Austria, and the other NDFP consultants.


You could also campaign for the release of Andrea Rosal.

You can demand the resumption of peace talks between the NDFP and the Aquino government based on the binding past peace agreements.


Your suggested action of “No US Taxes for human rights violations!” is very timely and will be effective in supporting the Filipino people’s struggle for a just and lasting peace.
 

Thank you!
 

           
           

BONUS TRACKS
 
           
 
 
 

 

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